The presentation is a summary of the experiences of régiónál development over a quarter of a century, from the aspect of Hungárián bordér researches. European integration and the unfurling Schengen process changed the relationship of Hungárián régiónál Science and bordér researches in the interpretation of territorial processes. There was a gradual shift of focus by régiónál policies: the so-called "Trianon-syndrome", the analysis of the traditional controlling and restricting functions of State borders was gradually replaced by the analysis of the character of cross-border cooperations. From the point of view of development policy, the tight relationship of régiónál Science and bordér research was founded by the need fór the utilisation of internál and extemal resources, which is the prime motivation of cross-border relations. It is beyond doubt that the use of Hungárián and even more so the EU régiónál supports can effectively serve the moderation of the development disparities of bordér regions, the catching up of the extemal (bordér) peripheries, the "unification" of the spatial structural functions disintegrated by the Peace Treaty of Trianon, the creation and cohesion of a functioning macro-regional economic space in the Carpathian Basin - and all in all the issue of European integration, the improvement of neighbourhood relations.
The Hungarian railway network with the latest and most advanced in the XIX–XX. at the turn of the century. The railway network plays a crucial role not only within the country's borders, but the whole of Europe. The nationalities wanted to create their own state in the Austro - Hungarian monarchy. The Entente validate their own political and economic interests of the Páruzsi peace talks, was used for the national aspirations. The world changes strengthened the political aspirations of the Entente. The strategic interests also justify their decisions. Soviet Russia and the European labor movement organization of great danger to the Entente countries. Politicians of the Entente countries have developed the boundaries of the Central European countries, on the basis of these two reasons. They split up the single railway network in small units. Austria wants now to standardize the components, according to their own interests. Hungary can not promote their own interests in the field of European rail services.
Mass migration, as it appears in the 21st century, is one of the greatest challenges of our globalized world. The unanswered questions of European Union (EU) immigration policy that emerged over the past few decades have become more pressing than ever. One of these urgent questions is: how can we provide for a developing European economy in an era of demographic decline in a way that it is based on the opportunities opened up by legally regulated forms of migration. A second question is: how can the EU ensure the safety of the newly arriving people in need and, at the same time, keep away illegal migrants and eliminate criminal activities related to migration. The European Union is destined to spread the principles of peace and unconditional respect for human rights not only within its own borders, but also on a global scale, when engaging in international affairs. In addition to observing human rights, however, the EU must also take into account all security considerations that are pertinent in guaranteeing the free movement of its citizens within the Member States.
One of the aims of the new electoral law of Hungary has been to define a fairer apportionment into voting districts. This is ensured by a set of rules slightly more premissive than those laid out in the Code of Good Practice in Electoral Matters of the Venice Commission. These rules fix the average size of the voting districts, require voting districts not to split smaller towns and villages and not to cross county borders. We show that such an apportionment is mathematically impossible. We make suggestions both to the theoretical approach to resolve this problem, study the properties of our approach and using our efficient algorithm and the data of the 2010 national elections we determine the optimal apportionment. We also study the expected effect of demographic changes and formulate recommendations to adhere to the rules over the long term: increase the number of voting districts to about 130, allow the number of voting districts to change flexibly at each revision of the districts and base the districts on regions rather than counties.
The aim of the study is to present the position and possibilities of Vojvodina in the European territorial cooperation with special focus on the EU Strategy for the Danube Region. Firstly, I examine the external relations of Vojvodina. I analyse the institutionalisation and the future of the DKMT Euroregion and the Banat-Triplex Confinium EGTC from the aspect Vojvodina, because these cooperations are significant component of the European integration process. The European territorial cohesion includes all the cross-border, transnational and interregional cooperations and democratic local and regional structures, forming under the identity of the EU Danube Strategy. This macro-regional strategy covers parts of 8 EU countries and 6 non EU countries (include Serbia) and faces numerous specific challenges: big socioeconomic disparities, underdeveloped potential of the Danube waterway, a unique environment threatened by pollution –to name just a few. Accordingly, there is a need for a stronger than usual cooperation dimension and for an integrated cooperative response across borders. Finally, I summarise how the Danube Strategy can achieve greater effect and reveal how macro-regional cooperation can help tackle local problems in Vojvodina, providing alternative solutions to problems stemming from legal and institutional differences of the border regions.
The Treaty of Trianon, signed on June 4, 1920, affected Hungary is several ways. The country lost almost two-thirds of its population and territory. The peace treaty not only had territorial, national, economic and military consequences, but several Hungarian higher education institutions were also affected disadvantageously. After 1919 there was no education at most Hungarian universities and as a result of the new borders, the country's network of higher education institutions changed significantly. Universities in the detached territories were forced to leave. The study presents the operating conditions of the universities (Kolozsvári Magyar Királyi Ferenc József Tudományegyetem, Magyar Királyi Erzsébet Tudományegyetem, Bányászati és Erdészeti Főiskola) and certain faculties involved following the Trianon Peace Treaty. The study also shows how the Treaty changed the Hungarian higher education, and how it changed the Hungarian higher education map. Kuno Klebelsberg realised that the cultural differences caused by the change in the landscape of higher education couldn't be sustained for a long time, so he implemented a number of actions in order to lessen the predominance of Budapest. The study covers the most important actions in the field of higher education. It examines the change in the number of students as well as the rate of those with university degree after the new borders were defined. Changes in the institutional network and the history of the universities are based on secondary literature analysis. The presentation of the student statistics is based on the analysis of data published in the Statistical Yearbooks of the Hungarian Central Statistical Office. Az 1920. június 4-én aláírt trianoni békeszerződés több szempontból is sújtotta hazánkat. Az ország elvesztette lakosságának és területének csaknem kétharmadát. A békeszerződésnek nemcsak területi, nemzetiségi, gazdasági és katonai hatásai voltak, hanem számos magyar felsőoktatási intézményt is hátrányosan érintett. 1919-től már a legtöbb hazai egyetemen nem folyt oktatás, és a történelmi Magyarország összeomlásának következményeként az ország felsőoktatási intézményhálózata is számottevően megváltozott. Az elcsatolt részeken ragadt egyetemek többségének nem volt maradása. A tanulmány bemutatja a trianoni békeszerződést követően az érintett egyetemeknek (Kolozsvári Magyar Királyi Ferenc József Tudományegyetem, pozsonyi Erzsébet Tudományegyetem és selmecbányai Bányászati és Erdészeti Főiskola) és egyes egyetemi karoknak a működési feltételét. Értékeli továbbá, hogy a békekötés következtében a magyar felsőoktatás milyen intézményhálózati változáson ment keresztül, és hogyan változott meg az ország felsőoktatási intézménytérképe. Klebelsberg Kunó felismerte, hogy a felsőoktatási térszerkezet változása miatt kialakult kulturális egyenlőtlenség nem tartható fent sokáig ezért számos olyan intézkedést hozott, amely Budapest túlsúlyát próbálta enyhíteni. A tanulmány a legfontosabb, felsőoktatást érintő intézkedésekre is kitér. Megvizsgálja, hogy milyen mértékben változott meg a hallgatók száma, illetve a felsőfokú végzettségűek aránya az új országhatárok kijelölését követően. Az intézményhálózati változások, illetve az egyetemek történeténetek bemutatása szakirodalmi másodelemzés alapján készült. A hallgatói statisztikák bemutatása a Központi Statisztikai Hivatal által kiadott Statisztikai Évkönyvekben közölt adatok elemzésén alapul.
