Suchergebnisse

Anthropological notions of borders as spatial, social, &/or cultural discontinuities are investigated, discussing differences in the notions of political, cultural, natural, & social boundaries. Current anthropological interpretations of cultural boundaries perceive the muddling, rather than the maintenance, of cultural discontinuities. The distinct approaches of multiculturalists & interculturalists with regard to cultural discontinuity are reviewed; it is noted that multiculturalism utilizes cultural differences as a means of resistance against hegemonic structures. Contrary to Samuel P. Huntington's (1996) argument that cultural differences have replaced political & ideological attitudes, the increase of boundary-crossing individuals has brought disparate cultures into contact. It is concluded that anthropologists should investigate the relationship between society & actual national borders, the interplay between social & cultural discontinuities, & the viability of the notion of global homogenization. 2 Photographs, 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

There is nothing unique about Ireland's border problems; yesterday's border conflicts are today's hotspots from the Lebanon to Yugoslavia

For almost three decades of a friendship with Betita that deepened overtime, they shared hospitality, some political projects and worries, common friends and personal disagreements, tensions over editorial work, as well as joy and political frustrations. In this memoir, the author would like to invoke the texture of their relationship, as well as political disputes that they experienced from different but intensely related sides of the US-Mexico border. He begins by saying that he was impressed by Betita's capacity to plan a project. She always carried a notebook to keep track of objectives, tasks, timing, and the steps involved in implementing a goal. He was so impressed that he tried to imitate her, but he really never could. Perhaps, he consoled himself, he was a victim of underdevelopment. Through doctrinal arguments, cultural differences, and personal tensions, they developed a close affection for Betita and Tessa, with friendship trumping politics. Adapted from the source document.

In April, a 66-foot boat carrying some 850 migrants across the Mediterranean Sea to Italy capsized, killing almost all those on board. The tragedy catapulted migration issues to the forefront of Brussels's political agenda, as ministers grappled with how to deal with Europe's influx of asylum-seekers and migrants without documentation. The European Union's proximity to protracted conflicts in the Middle East and Africa, as well as economically depressed areas in Eastern Europe, has made member countries -- particularly Germany, Hungary, France, Italy, and Sweden -- top destinations for asylum-seekers. In the first four months of 2015, EU member states received 242,075 first-time asylum applications, an 80% increase from the same period in 2014. No one can deny that migration is a fullblown regional crisis. The question now is whether the EU has the collective will and resources to solve it. Adapted from the source document.

This paper seeks to address the problem of strangeness within the context of migration in Africa. I draw on historical realities that inform existing international and African discourses on migration. I hope to show that most African countries have unconsciously bought into international arguments that drive the legitimacy of building walls, visible and invisible, and the promotion of stringent migration policies that minimise the influx of African immigrants. I draw on political and philosophical positions of African thinkers like Kwame Nkrumah, among others, in my theorisation of strangeness and the need to dispel the potential negative conception of strangeness within Africa's migration policies. I juxtapose these positions with Western political theories with the hope of emphasizing African humanism as a key conception worth considering when decolonising borders.