Položaj i akcije radnika Z̆eljezare Zenica 1937-1941. Naslovna strana: Stjepan Totić
In: Biblioteka "Zenica-juc̆e i danas knj. 4
In: Biblioteka "Zenica-juc̆e i danas knj. 4
In: Zbirka Sophia 1998,8
In: Biblioteka "Raskršća" knjiga treća
In: Zbirka Županičeva knjižnica 35
In: Knjižnica Annales Majora
World Affairs Online
Evropska unija (EU) je Bosni in Hercegovini (BiH) obljubila podpis stabilizacijsko-pridružitvenega sporazuma pod pogojem, da BiH prestrukturira svoj razdrobljen policijski sistem po treh načelih EU, ki predvidevajo centralizirano in enotno policijo. Ker pa policije v različnih državah članicah EU niso vedno centralizirane, so lokalni akterji izkoristili argument neenotnih standardov pri upravičevanju odpora do predvidene reforme. V magistrskem delu raziskujem razsežnosti učinkov, ki jih ima odsotnost skupnega normativnega okvira na prizadevanja mednarodne organizacije po prenosu norm v tretje države. Raziskava temelji na preseku teoretskih sklopov reforme varnostnega sektorja¬ ter prenosa norm ; skozi to prizmo analiziram pristop EU k reformi varnostnega sektorja ter študijo primera reforme policije v BiH, z modelom zunanjih spodbud pa učinke neenotnih standardov v državah članicah EU na to reformo. Foucaultovski pristop k fenomenu prenosa norm omogoča, da proces pogojevanja razumemo kot dinamično in kompleksno razmerje moči med EU in lokalnimi akterji. Ugotavljam, da lahko odpor lokalnih akterjev do prenosa norm resno ošibi moč EU, kadar ta ne temelji na močnih normativnih temeljih. V primeru reforme policije v BiH je visoki predstavnik za BiH, avtor treh načel EU, zanemaril, da EU pri svojem zunanjem delovanju nastopa kot normativna moč. Ob odsotnosti normativnega okvirja, torej odsotnosti enotnih standardov na področju policije, pa je bila moč EU ohromljena, posledica tega pa je bila neuspešna reforma policije v BiH. ; The reform of a fragmented police system according to three European Union (EU) principles, which foresee a centralized and unified police force, was set as a condition by the EU to sign the Stabilization and Association Agreement with Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). However, as the police in the different EU Member States are not always centralized, local actors have used the argument of divergent standards to justify their resistance to the envisaged reform. This Master's thesis effects of the absence of a common normative framework within an international organization on the norm diffusion to a third country. The research is based on the convergence of theories dealing with security sector reform and norm transfer. Through such a lens, I analyse the EU approach to security sector reform and contextualise it via the study of police reform in BiH. The Foucault's approach to norm transfer understands the process of conditionality as a dynamic and complex power relation between the EU and local actors. Findings show that genuine resistance from local actors can seriously undermine the EU's normative power when the latter is not based on strong normative foundations. In the case of police reform in BiH, the author of the three EU principles – the High Representative for BiH – neglected the EU's role of normative power in its external action. The absence of a normative framework, in this case, the absence of harmonized standards regarding policing undermined the power of the EU and resulted in the failure of police reform in BiH.
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Cilj magistrskega dela je ugotoviti, ali je skupna zunanja in varnostna politika Evropske unije primeren okvir za izvajanje mirovnih operacij. V prvem sklopu sem preučil pogodbeni razvoj, institucionalni okvir ter glavni strateški dokument SVOP. V drugem sklopu sem se osredotočil na same vojaške operacije SVOP, v okviru katerega sem preučil zgodovino in razvoj operacij, vpliv vojaških operacij na podobo EU kot varnostnega akterja ter način planiranja in financiranja vojaških operacij. Na koncu drugega sklopa sem izpostavil tudi ključne izzive, ki se pojavljajo pri vzpostavljanju in izvajanju mirovnih operacij v sklopu SVOP. V tretjem sklopu sem se osredotočil na operacijo EUFOR Althea. V začetku sklopa na kratko opišem zgodovino samega konflikta in predstavim grožnje varnosti in stabilnosti Bosne in Hercegovine, nato pa se osredotočim na samo operacijo in opišem njen mandat, proces planiranja, obseg sil in njihovo organizacijo ter naloge, ki jih izvajajo. Tudi v tem sklopu na koncu izpostavim pomanjkljivosti in kritike, ki so se pojavile skozi obdobje izvajanja operacije. Pri analizi operacije Althea sem ugotovil, da se le-ta giblje med delno uspešno in uspešno. Pri primernosti SZVP za izvajanje mirovnih operacij sem ugotovil, da ima ta za izvajanje res širokega spektra mirovnih operacij kar nekaj pomanjkljivosti. Ker sta SZVP in z njo SVOP medvladne narave, je opaziti, da se področja, ki so v pristojnosti samih institucij EU, razvijajo hitreje od področij, na katerih imajo večjo prisotnost same države članice. Moja glavna ugotovitev je, da je SZVP primerna predvsem za izvajanje manjših in manj intenzivnih mirovnih operacij. ; The aim of the master's thesis is to determine whether the common foreign and security policy of the European Union is an appropriate framework for the launching of peacekeeping operations. The first content set analyses the contractual development, institutional framework, and the main strategic document of CSDP. In the second set, I focus on the CSDP military operations. In this context, I examine the history and development of operations, the impact of military operations on the image of the EU as a security actor, and the way in which military operations are planned and financed. At the end of the second set, I also point out the key challenges that arise in the establishment and implementation of CSDP peacekeeping operations. In the third set, I focus on the EUFOR Althea operation. At the beginning of this final set, I briefly describe the history of the conflict and the threats to security and stability of Bosnia and Herzegovina, followed by the focus on the operation itself—its mandate, planning process, force and organization as well as the tasks carried out. Furthermore, this section points out the shortcomings and criticisms that arise during the course of operation. Analysing operation Althea, I have found out that it ranges from semi-successful to successful. With regard to the suitability of CFSP for the conduct of peacekeeping operations, I have found that it has quite a few shortcomings for the conduct of a considerably wide array of peacekeeping operations. As CFSP and CSDP are intergovernmental in nature, it can be observed that the areas under the responsibility of the EU institutions are evolving faster than the areas where the majority of the responsibility lies upon the member states. My main finding is that CFSP is particularly suitable for carrying out smaller and less intensive peacekeeping operations.
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V današnjem času se soočamo s številnimi varnostnimi grožnjami, med katerimi se pojavljajo tudi naravne nesreče, (ne)nalezljive bolezni ter lakota in žeja. Vpliv na manifestacijo teh groženj je moč posredno ali neposredno pripisati tudi stanju v našem okolju. V Evropi Zahodni Balkan izstopa s slabšim stanjem okolja in z višjo stopnjo okoljske degradacije v primerjavi s preostalimi regijami na kontinentu. V tem magistrskem delu sem preučeval stanje okolja v državah Zahodnega Balkana ter njegovo povezavo z varnostno paradigmo. Pri tem sem uporabil kombinacijo različnih raziskovalnih metod: analiza primarnih in sekundarnih virov, deskriptivna metoda, metoda primerjalne analize ter analiza statističnih podatkov. Prek analize sem ugotovil povezanost med stanjem okolja in varnostnimi grožnjami. Najvišjo stopnjo ogrožanja zaradi stanja okolja sta po indikatorjih imeli BiH in Črna gora, medtem ko sta najnižjo stopnjo ogrožanja zaradi stanja okolja imeli Severna Makedonija in Albanija. Pozitivni del okoljske varnostne paradigme Zahodnega Balkana, v primerjavi s preteklostjo, so zvišanje kakovosti vodnih virov ; gradnja sanitarne, vodne in okolju prijazne energetske infrastrukture, ter izboljšanje pravnih in regulativnih okvirjev za zaščito in varovanje okolja. Kljub napredku se Zahodni Balkan še vedno sooča z nekaterimi okoljskimi izzivi, kot so slabo stanje ozračja, slabo upravljanje z odpadki, ter slaba implementacija okoljskih strategij in pravnih aktov. Države Zahodnega Balkana bodo tako v prihodnosti morale še veliko postoriti za izboljšanje stanja svojega okolja, s čimer bi se znižala ogroženost ljudi, ki na tem prostoru živijo. ; We are currently facing numerous security threats, including natural disasters, diseases, hunger, and thirst. Some of the influence for the manifestation of these threats can be ascribed, either directly or indirectly, to the condition of our environment. In Europe, the region of the Western Balkans stands out as being in one of the worst environmental conditions and having some of the worst levels of environmental degradation, when compared to other regions. In this Master's thesis I studied the condition of the environment in the states of the Western Balkans and its connection with the security paradigm. I utilised the following research methods: primary and secondary source analysis, descriptive method, comparative analysis, and statistical analysis. Through this analysis I established the connection between the condition of the environment and security threats. According to the indicators, the two states with the highest security risk due to environmental conditions were Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro, while the two states which had the lowest risk were North Macedonia and Albania. The positive parts of the environmental security paradigm of the Western Balkans, when compared to the past, are the increase in the quality of water sources, the construction of sanitation and water treatment infrastructure, the construction of environmentally friendly energy infrastructure, and the improvement of legal and regulatory frameworks for the protection of the environment. Despite this progress, the Western Balkans are still facing problems such as poor air quality, inadequate waste management, and poor implementation of environmental strategies and legal acts. The states of the Western Balkans, therefore, still have a long way to go in order to improve the condition of their environment, which would also lower the security threat to the people who live in the region.
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This paper analyzes the issue of nations without states in contemporary Europe between the Atlantic and the Urals. The political map of the continent comprises forty-seven countries, most of which are nation-states. However, the cultural mosaic of Europe is far more complex; there are around fifty ethnic groups (in addition to historical, territorial, or indigenous ethnic minorities and an enormous number of immigrant ethnic communities) lacking a state-based organization. Together, these people add up to 78 million, or almost 15% of the European population. Twenty-seven groups can be considered nations without states; they are culturally and ethnically based and have various forms of territorial integrity and political organization. However, they did not create a state organization, despite many attempts by some through history. Without a state organization, those communities have poorer opportunities to protect their folk culture and to reproduce various elements of ethnic identity. This is why they seek territorial autonomy or independent statehood through nationalist movements. In many cases, these ambitions are encompassed in regional movements. These movements have been popular in Europe, particularly because the idea of a "Europe of regions" as part of the European Union has had broad political support and acceptance. However, it has not actually succeeded. The EU and Europe as a whole are still a Europe of (nation)-states. In general, regional movements have been successful and through this some nations without states have attained part of their political ambitions in the form of territorial autonomy. The regionalization of former centralist states (e.g., Spain and the United Kingdom) increased the chances of ethnic survival for the Catalans, Basques, Scots, and Welsh. On the other hand, the regionalization of nations without states represented territorial division, a kind of "divide and rule" strategy serving to reduce their ambitions towards national independence. The territorial and political reconstruction of nation-states has been successful, but it did not solve all ethnic problems. The European political map reveals another interesting phenomenon: a double state for some nations. These are particularly typical for the Balkans. Because of political and territorial development after the Second World War and during the transition period in the 1990s and beyond, the principle of immutable political borders (logically encompassing the creation of new nation-states as well) led to further political and territorial divisions and (in fact, paradoxically) fragmentation. Some of these "inner" autonomous territories are functioning as de facto states. The cases of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus or Republika Srpska in Bosnia-Herzegovina are good examples of these processes. This development has not garnered much political support in most European countries or at the EU level. However, it is an undesirable reality and is certainly one of changes among the political and territorial (or even greater) challenges for the Europe of tomorrow. It forces a reexamination of the phenomenon and value of nations. The existence of nations without states represents a potential for the creation of new (nation) states.
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