Suchergebnisse

Around the turn of the century, political developments in Northern Ireland, Fiji and Papua New Guinea encouraged claims that preferential voting systems could steer polities in the direction of 'moderate' multi-ethnic government. Sixteen years later, we have a longer time period and larger volume of data to reassess these verdicts. This article investigates ballot transfer and party vote–seat share patterns in the seven deeply divided polities with some experience of preferential voting for legislative elections or direct presidential elections (Northern Ireland, Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Estonia, Sri Lanka, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Southern Rhodesia). We find little support for centripetalist claims that such systems encourage 'moderate' parties. We argue that where district magnitude is low, where voters are required to rank preferences and where ticket voting prevails, departures from vote–seat proportionality may favour 'moderate' parties, but such heavily engineered systems may simply advantage the larger parties or yield erratic outcomes.

Supilo, one of the most significant Croatian politicians, left an indelible mark on Croatian political life due to his discerning political judgments. After his attempts to secure the unification of Croatia with Bosnia-Herzegovina within the Austro-Hungarian Empire by means of a joint Croatia-Serbia effort had fallen through, he became one of the most fervent advocates of the unification of all south Slavs within a common state. But he was also the first to recognize the destructiveness of Greater Serbian politics for a harmonious political life of the future South Slavonic state; with the same ardor with which he once advocated unification, he began his fight against it & for the independence of Croatia, hoping in this way to save its territorial & national integrity. Adapted from the source document.

En su conferencia de prensa anual, que tuvo lugar el 30 de mayo de 1995, el presidente del CICR, señor Cornelio Sommaruga, mencionó, en primer lugar, el quincuagésimo aniversario del final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial y deploró elfracaso moral de la Institución en lo atinente al holocausto, «por no haber sabido ir más allá del marco jurídico limite que le habían trazado los Estados».Comentando la gravedad de las situaciones conflictivas en el mundo de hoy, especialmente en Bosnia-Herzegovina, en Ruanda y en Chechenia, el presidente puso de relieve la responsabilidad de los Estados cuando se ven confrontados con graves violaciones del derecho internacional humanitario.La Revista publica a continuación el texto de la declaración preliminar del presidente del CICR:

La VI Conferencia de las Sociedades Nacionales de la Cruz Roja y de la Media Luna Roja de los países mediterráneos, organizada por la Cruz Roja Española, se celebró en Mallorca del 2 al 4 de febrero de 1994. Asistieron a la Conferencia más de 50 participantes de las 17 Sociedades Nacionales reconocidas de la zona. Por primera vez, participaron conjuntamente en esta Conferencia, como observadores, representantes de la Media Luna Roja Palestina, del Magen David Adorn de Israel, de la Cruz Roja Chipriota y de la Media Luna Roja Chipriota, así como la Cruz Roja de Bosnia-Herzegovina. Participó asimismo el secretario general de la Secretaría Árabe de Sociedades Nacionales de la Cruz Roja y de la Media Luna Roja.

Memories are a crucial part of transitional justice work. However, consistent with the fact that the field has significantly neglected bodies (except in the sense of what has been done to them), complex body memories that both reside in and spill over from individual bodies have received little attention. This interdisciplinary article aims to address this gap and thus to foreground the fact that bodies tell their own stories. What enhances their storytelling potential in this regard is their relationships and interactions with their wider social ecologies. Fundamentally, body memories have important social dimensions that make them highly relevant to transitional justice. Drawing on qualitative interviews with victims-/survivors of conflict-related sexual violence in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Colombia and Uganda, the article's core argument is that transitional justice processes should give more attention to body memories and to the potential they offer for developing the field in new embodied directions.

AbstractPremised on elite accommodation, consociations provide little consideration for citizens' input on institutional change. Likewise, valuable analyses of cross-community political participation in divided societies have emerged in recent years, yet whether the relationship between the grassroot and formal political process has broader consequences remains to be fully explored. The article examines the conditions in which nonelectoral participation takes place and the ways in which actors involved therein negotiate constraints for continuous cross-community mobilization. The structure of political systems and the nature of deep divisions in Northern Ireland and Federation of Bosnia-Herzegovina invite a comparison of the consequences of nonelectoral political participation in these two illustrative case studies. The article concludes that while the formal political context shapes the likelihood of engagement on a cross-community basis, whether nonelectoral participation changes the structure of political decision-making depends on the willingness and ability of those involved to cooperate with formal institutional politics.