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News that Brexit negotiations continue to be stuck in the mire as it were comes as no surprise to me. I have doubted the UK Government's sincerity in wanting to reach a trade agreement with the EU ever since Boris Johnson "got Brexit done" back in January.

International audience ; According to the Lisbon Treaty, after the vote of British citizens of 23 June 2016, favorable from the United Kingdom to the European Union, the European Treaties should no longer apply in the UK in 2019. What this demographic consequences Brexit will it for the EU? ; Selon le traité de Lisbonne, après le vote des citoyens britanniques du 23 juin 2016, favorable au départ du Royaume-Uni de l'Union européenne, les traités européens ne devraient plus s'appliquer outre-Manche en 2018. Quelles conséquences démographiques ce Brexit aura-t-il pour l'Union européenne ?

International audience ; According to the Lisbon Treaty, after the vote of British citizens of 23 June 2016, favorable from the United Kingdom to the European Union, the European Treaties should no longer apply in the UK in 2019. What this demographic consequences Brexit will it for the EU? ; Selon le traité de Lisbonne, après le vote des citoyens britanniques du 23 juin 2016, favorable au départ du Royaume-Uni de l'Union européenne, les traités européens ne devraient plus s'appliquer outre-Manche en 2018. Quelles conséquences démographiques ce Brexit aura-t-il pour l'Union européenne ?

Professor Frank Peck of the University of Cumbria's Centre for Regional Economic Development writes for in-Cumbria on the big issues of the day and the economic data behind them. This month, unpacking Brexit: evidence from Regional Trade Data. The debate on BREXIT has now gathered considerable momentum, spurred on by the decision taken to seek Parliamentary approval for triggering Article 50. Discussions are, however, still at quite a high level of aggregation. Will it be a "hard" or a "soft" exit? In reality, it is unlikely to be a simple choice between two extremes. The debate will inevitably deepen as policymakers look more closely at the detail. Brexit poses questions that have not previously been asked with such urgency. What are, for instance, the patterns of regional trade across the UK with regard to flows of goods and services from other EU states and countries beyond? Which regions and localities would be most affected by leaving the single market with consequences for import and export costs? The short answer to this is that we do not know the full picture. The data is partial and much of it still classed as experimental. HM Revenue and Customs, however, publish quarterly Regional Trade Statistics for goods and materials that at least give an indication of the regional dimension of international trade links affecting manufacturing. The most recent issue (published on December 6, 2016) relates to the third quarter of 2016. Overall, this data shows that in the year to September 2016, the overall value of UK exports of goods increased by 0.2 per cent compared to the same period last year. This seems consistent with trends in other indicators that suggest "business as usual", at least for now.

It's a safe bet to say that Brexit has been much less at the forefront of people's mind both in the UK and the rest of Europe since the outbreak of the coronavirus pandemic. By a safe bet, I mean of course the totally unwarranted kind of supposition that is now regularly deployed as hard fact by the Anglo-American political classes. Still, a quick and scientifically haphazard search of news headlines infuses me with the strong conviction that I must be right.

However, we need to consider what is to happen beyond 1stJanuary. The prudent prepare. That is true in business, but it should also be true for governments. The most effective businesses are agile, but a significant portion of that agility stems from the fact that they are well prepared. Of course, there are some things that nobody can foresee: I would have laughed had you told me 12 months ago that 2020 would be dominated not by Brexit but by a global pandemic.

Mario Telò: Lehren aus dem Brexit : europäische Legitimation stärken durch eine progressive Allianz und ein politisches Kerneuropa. - S. 9-18

En 2016, el Reino Unido celebró un referéndum –la segunda vez desde su incorporación a la UE– para decidir si abandonaba la Unión Europea como Estado miembro. El resultado del referéndum fue pro-Brexit y el Reino Unido notificó al Consejo Europeo su intención de abandonar la Unión Europea de conformidad con el artículo 50 del Tratado de la Unión Europea, el cual regula por primera vez la salida de un Estado miembro. Se trata de un proceso sin precedentes pues, si bien ya había habido propuestas de inclusión de una cláusula de salida en el Derecho de la Unión, estas no habían logrado materializarse hasta la llegada de la reforma del Tratado de Lisboa (2009), donde se incluye por primera vez una cláusula de tal naturaleza. El largo y difícil proceso de salida aún continúa y son varias las opciones que se perfilan, todas caracterizadas por un proceso lleno de incertidumbre e inseguridad. ; In 2016, the United Kingdom held a referendum –the second time since its accession to the EU– to decide whether to leave the European Union as Member State. The results of the referendum were pro-Brexit and the United Kingdom notified the European Council of its intention to leave the European Union in accordance with Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union, which regulated the withdrawal of a Member State for the first time. This is an unprecedented process because, although there had been proposals for the incorporation of a withdrawal clause in Union law, such proposals had not materialized until the reform of the Treaty of Lisbon (2009), where a withdrawal clause of this nature is included. The long and difficult process of withdrawal is still on the way and several options are emerging, all characterized by a process riddled with uncertainty and insecurity. ; Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales

"Sottostimate la forza delle nostre democrazie, l'attrazione perpetua che esercitano le società aperte e libere, l'impegno delle nazioni occidentali nel sistema di alleanze che ci unisce". Con queste parole, Theresa May, rivolgendosi al governo russo, dichiara che, nonostante la Brexit, la Gran Bretagna rimarrà accanto all'Europa nel fronteggiare le "minacce" provenienti dalla Russia e che, sotto questo profilo, non esiste un reale isolamento della Gran Bretagna rispetto al resto dell'Europa. Anzi, il Primo Ministro Inglese esprime con chiarezza la posizione del paese che rappresenta dicendo che "La Russia, ovviamente, è la prima delle minacce che il Regno Unito continuerà ad affrontare insieme all'Europa e all'Occidente anche dopo la Brexit". Ciò dimostra il peso che ha la condotta della Russia con continue campagne di interferenza che i paesi occidentali già da tempo stanno denunciando. Si tratta di operazioni c.d. di guerra informativa fatte attraverso la diffusione online di contenuti mirati, falsi, alterati, che mostrano di avere come obiettivo quello di creare ulteriore confusione all'interno dei singoli stati e di minare la stabilità delle loro forme di governo, volte ad incrementare altresì l'incertezza economica, i problemi sociali e le questioni legate all'immigrazione.

Kako naj teoretsko razumemo izjavo nekdanje britanske premierke Therese May, da »Brexit pomeni Brexit«? Da bi v pričujočem besedilu odgovorili na to vprašanje, moramo izhajati iz kategorije dogodka, kot je bila teoretizirana v delu Alaina Badiouja. V kolikor dogodek v Badioujevem pomenu zahteva odločitev o tem, ali neko posebno mnoštvo pripada samemu sebi, kar smo tu poimenovali »tavtologija biti«, se zdi, da izjava Tereze May res označuje tak dogodek. To bi tudi iz badioujevske perspektive pomenilo, da gre za politično emancipatorno izjavo. Sam Badiou takega sklepa seveda ne bi sprejel, saj k brexitu poziva britanska država, s čimer je vnaprej izključeno, da bi brexit šteli kot singularnost. Vendar pa sam trdim, da bi brexit še vedno lahko veljal za dogodek v gornjem pomenu, če bi lahko ločili Badioujevo »socialno ontologijo« od njegove filozofske ontologije. Ta argument razvijam v nadaljevanju, sklicujoč se pri tem na delo Jacquesa Rancièrea, za katerega menim, da izpelje omenjeno ločitev teoretskih področij. Vseeno pa dodajam, da še vedno potrebujemo elemente Badioujeve teorije, da bi lahko danes mislili nove oblike suverenosti in domoljubja, katerih primer bi lahko bil brexit. Drugo pomanjkljivost Rancièrovega pristopa vidimo v tem, da zavrača uporabo izraza populizem, ki se nam, nasprotno, zdi ustrezen izraz za opis ideologije političnega subjekta kot singularnosti. Bi se torej morali obrniti k arhipopulistom, Laclau in Mouffe, ter njuni kategoriji hegemoniji, da bi lahko mislili brexit? Menimo, da nam tega ni treba storiti, saj hegemonija, kot tu trdimo, ne omogoča misliti politično singularnost, kakršen je brexit. Vseeno pa menimo, da bi morali vztrajati, da je treba v brexitu videti »populistični« emancipatorni dogodek. ; How should we understand theoretically the former Prime Minister of Britain Theresa May's phrase "Brexit means Brexit"? This paper argues that we must start from the category of the Event, as theorised in the work of Alain Badiou. Insofar as an Event in Badiou's sense involves a decision as to whether a singular multiple belongs to itself – what I here call the "tautology of being" – it seems that Theresa May's statement does indeed designate such an Event. This would also, from a Badiouian perspective, make it politically emancipatory. Badiou himself would of course not accept such a conclusion, given that Brexit was convoked by the British State, thereby disqualifying it from being considered a singularity. However, I argue that if we are able to separate Badiou's "social ontology" from his philosophical ontology, Brexit might still be considered an Event in the above sense. I support this argument with reference to the work of Jacques Rancière, who I feel completes such a separation of theoretical realms. Nevertheless, I add that we still need elements of the Badiouian theoretical edifice in order to think new forms of sovereignty and patriotism today, of which Brexit would be an example. Another lack in Rancière is that he refuses to use the word populism, which seems to me to be a good term to describe the ideology of a political subject qua singularity. Should we therefore turn to the arch-populists Laclau and Mouffe, and their category of hegemony, to think Brexit? I think not, since, as I argue, hegemony does not allow us to think a political singularity, of the Brexit type. Nevertheless, I believe we should insist that Brexit be considered a "populist" emancipatory Event.

Whereas the impact of Brexit on Anglophone Africa was a major issue in the controversial British discussions on the pros and cons of Brexit, possible repercussions on French-speaking Africa have been rarely mentioned up to now. Yet, the range of possible Brexit effect is impressive, including the revival of progressive social networks in Francophone Africa. The latter are already demanding more political and economic sovereignty, for example with respect to the increasingly anachronistic F CFA currency. Yet, in view of the lack of countervailing power of Britain within the EU in the case of Brexit, the murky network of Françafrique could be re-vitalized and consolidated as well. Finally, the Brexit and its spread-effects could also impact negatively on acquired human rights, both in Europe and in Africa. The withdrawal in general will have widely disregard implications for hitherto shared ethics. In fact, the Brexit constitutes a retrograde step in promoting a political and socio-cultural climate which could become similar to that of Apartheid South Africa. This includes the pursuit of ultranationalist goals and compromising on established human rights, for example with respect to growing inequality and the crusade against infidels and outsiders. More generally, the Brexit will also impact negatively on acquired ethics concerning popular articipation, both in Europe and in Africa.