It's a safe bet to say that Brexit has been much less at the forefront of people's mind both in the UK and the rest of Europe since the outbreak of the coronavirus pandemic. By a safe bet, I mean of course the totally unwarranted kind of supposition that is now regularly deployed as hard fact by the Anglo-American political classes. Still, a quick and scientifically haphazard search of news headlines infuses me with the strong conviction that I must be right.
We analyse the voting pattern in the June 23rdreferendum on the continued participation of the United Kingdom in the European Union and evaluate the reasons for the results. We find that output, education and the share of older people at the regional level can explain attitudes towards immigrants and the European Union. Thus, regions where GDP per capita is low, a high proportion of people has low education, a high proportion is over the age of 65 and there is strong net immigration are more likely to be apprehensive of the European Union, be suspicious of immigrants and not want them as neighbours and, most importantly, to vote for Brexit. The fear of immigration does not seem to be fully justified in terms of the literature on the labour market effects of immigrants in the UK. Using the British Election Study we find similar results. Thus negative attitudes towards immigration and EU enlargement are correlated with voting for Brexit using data on individuals.
'BREXIT' - the exit of Britain (or the United Kingdom) from the European Union (EU) membership as a result of a national referendum on the issue on June 23, 2016.
Professor Frank Peck of the University of Cumbria's Centre for Regional Economic Development writes for in-Cumbria on the big issues of the day and the economic data behind them. This month, a business response to Brexit - forewarned is forearmed? As I write, it is Wednesday, March 29 – Brexit trigger day. When Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty was drafted, few would have anticipated the circumstances in which these clauses would be tested. Contrary to what you might expect, it does not take long to read - it can be printed easily on half a page of A4. It starts by asserting the right of sovereign States to withdraw from the Union if they so wish and the requirement to notify the European Council of this intention. Article 50 continues… "…the Union shall negotiate and conclude an agreement with that State, setting out the arrangements for its withdrawal, taking into account the framework for its future relationship with the Union" This clause in the Treaty clearly links the conditions for withdrawal with the nature of the future relationship, but does not specify the precise sequencing of these discussions. Negotiations are likely to begin very soon – in May or June 2017 – with the aim to complete these by October 2018. Then the agreements reached will be subject to democratic vote in the UK and European Parliaments. So why should buisnesses in Cumbria become animated by nuances in Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty? It is fair to say that these discussions will include matters that are likely to have fundamental impacts on the environment within which all Cumbrian businesses operate – either directly or indirectly.
In the 2016 Brexit referendum, Scotland voted decisively to Remain in the EU, while a UK-wide majority voted to Leave. This article discusses responses to the constitutional significance of a territorially divided result, both prior to and following the referendum, including in litigation over the 'constitutional requirements' necessary to trigger the United Kingdom's withdrawal from the EU under Article 50 TEU ( R (Miller) v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union). It considers what these debates reveal about the uncertain and contested nature of the UK's territorial constitution, focusing on issues of constitutional security for devolved institutions and competences, and constitutional voice for the devolved territories in handling issues of intertwined competence. It argues that the Brexit episode reveals major weaknesses in the dominant reliance on political mechanisms to give recognition to the constitutional significance of devolution, which do not adequately displace continued legal adherence to the assumptions of a unitary constitution.
Cover -- Contents -- Introduction: Our First Colony - How Europe Took Control of Brexit -- 1. Mister Brexit -- 2. The Bad Guy -- 3. They'll Chop Off Her Head -- 4. The Charming Bastard -- 5. Head in the Fucking Clouds -- 6. It's Waterloo, it's Agincourt, it's Crécy -- 7. One Big Fun Fair -- 8. Going for Purple -- 9. A Vassal State -- 10. Snared in Sovereignty -- 11. The Elephant in the Room -- 12. A Submarine in Muddy Waters -- 13. If They Don't Kill Each Other at Chequers -- 14. A Tactical Mistake -- 15. Oh, Fuck Off (with a History) -- 16. The Tunnel -- 17. Armistice -- 18. Torture for the Brits -- 19. We Authorise Michel to Apply Pomade -- 20. Parliament is Not a Casino -- 21. Can I Become a Belgian Citizen? -- 22. The Barniers Are Taking the Stairs Today -- Afterword -- Acknowledgements -- Copyright.
High-flying illusions on the part of the proponents and grim predictions on the part of the sceptics have characterised the controversy around Brexit. The article assesses five key issues at stake for post-Brexit relationships between Britain, the EU, and Africa: market access, foreign direct investment (FDI), aid, security, and the nature of the partnership. The analysis focuses on those sub-Saharan African countries that belong to the Commonwealth, as the British government's vision of a "Global Britain" relies heavily on its reinforced cooperation with Commonwealth nations. The review of potential developments in these different policy fields shows that the expectations of Brexiteers and African politicians alike concerning an enhanced, partnership-like post-Brexit Commonwealth relationship are largely unfounded. Although the post-Brexit United Kingdom will increase African countries' choices regarding preferred trading partners, it remains questionable whether London could offer something new that other global players with increasing interest in Africa, such as China, do not already have on their agenda.
At the Centre, we often focus on quite dry aspects of the Single Market, how any change is likely to affect supply chains in sectors such as automotive, aerospace and many others. However, Brexit will also have an impact on a host of areas that will have a much more prosaic effect on our everyday lives. One issue that we have not discussed in detail is the question of services we use through the EU's Digital Single Market, such as the internet and mobile data roaming whilst abroad.
A large majority of EU citizens show a great lack of interest about the issues that concern it. In fact, institutions such as the ECSC, the EEC, the EURATOM or treaties such as Maastricht, Amsterdam, Nice or Lisbon are rarely topics of conversation among them. Only the withdrawal process of United Kingdom from the EU raises some concern among EU citizens, because the perceived influence it will have on our economies. They speak of Brexit, of the "withdrawal agreement", of "backstop", etc., but without getting to the heart of these concepts. Since its creation, the EU has not stopped moving forward in the construction of its integration project. The British governments do not seem to have fully identified with the ultimate goal of the process: the political union. Thus, based on a short account of the European project, we will study the Brexit event, analyzing what these four years have meant, both for the EU and for the UK, until the arrival of "hurricane Johnson" with his controversial and disputed decisions. ; Una amplia mayoría de ciudadanos de la UE muestra un gran desinterés por los asuntos que conciernen a esta. De hecho, instituciones como la CECA, la CEE, el EURATOM o tratados como el de Maastricht, Ámsterdam, Niza o Lisboa raramente son temas de conversación. Tan solo el proceso de salida del Reino Unido despierta cierta preocupación, ya que se percibe que alguna influencia tendrá sobre nuestras economías. Se habla de Brexit, de withdrawal agreement, de backstop, etc., aunque sin llegar al fondo de estos conceptos. Desde su creación, la UE no ha parado de avanzar en la construcción de su proyecto de integración. Los gobiernos británicos no parecen haberse identificado del todo con el objetivo último del proceso: la unión política. Así pues, partiendo de una breve historia de la Unión, nos adentraremos en el evento de la Brexit, analizando lo que han supuesto estos cuatro años, tanto para la UE como para el RU, hasta la llegada del "huracán Johnson", con sus controvertidas y polémicas decisiones.
En 2016, el Reino Unido celebró un referéndum –la segunda vez desde su incorporación a la UE– para decidir si abandonaba la Unión Europea como Estado miembro. El resultado del referéndum fue pro-Brexit y el Reino Unido notificó al Consejo Europeo su intención de abandonar la Unión Europea de conformidad con el artículo 50 del Tratado de la Unión Europea, el cual regula por primera vez la salida de un Estado miembro. Se trata de un proceso sin precedentes pues, si bien ya había habido propuestas de inclusión de una cláusula de salida en el Derecho de la Unión, estas no habían logrado materializarse hasta la llegada de la reforma del Tratado de Lisboa (2009), donde se incluye por primera vez una cláusula de tal naturaleza. El largo y difícil proceso de salida aún continúa y son varias las opciones que se perfilan, todas caracterizadas por un proceso lleno de incertidumbre e inseguridad. ; In 2016, the United Kingdom held a referendum –the second time since its accession to the EU– to decide whether to leave the European Union as Member State. The results of the referendum were pro-Brexit and the United Kingdom notified the European Council of its intention to leave the European Union in accordance with Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union, which regulated the withdrawal of a Member State for the first time. This is an unprecedented process because, although there had been proposals for the incorporation of a withdrawal clause in Union law, such proposals had not materialized until the reform of the Treaty of Lisbon (2009), where a withdrawal clause of this nature is included. The long and difficult process of withdrawal is still on the way and several options are emerging, all characterized by a process riddled with uncertainty and insecurity. ; Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales
Part I. Challenges and Opportunities. Challenges. Legal and political context for the future of procurement law -- European Commission Draft Withdrawal Agreement and procurement law -- Losing access to EU online tools, universal classification systems and other guidance -- Reduction of access to procurement markets -- Opportunities. Potential trading models and their impact on UK procurement -- Favouring national suppliers and the 'Buy British' campaign -- Potential revisions of the procurement regime -- The future of procurement law -- PART II: Key legislation and recommended reading -- Annex. Summary dashboard -- Key pieces of legislation.