Suchergebnisse

The purpose of this paper is to examine how the British press shapes the image of Lithuania. To achieve the result certain questions were raised: how often is Lithuania mentioned in the selected newspapers; what are the major topics/coverage that mention Lithuania; what is the role of Lithuania in those topics; what attitude is being formed towards Lithuania in those topics; what means are used in the image formation. Two major British newspapers The Times and The Guardian were taken for the analysis of the articles. For the research all articles between the period of the 1st January to the 31st December 2008 were used. The methods of content analysis were mostly applied though the comparison of different newspapers was also selected. The paper is divided into two main parts. The first part is used to present the general views on the media, theoretical approach, main research on national image that is formed by the media. The second part reveals the means of how and the reasons why certain sources for the reaseach were selected: the selection of the media, newspapers, articles and periods; defining the variables and formation of the code (coding schemata); gathering of information; data analysis; concluding remarks. The conclusion that was arrived is as follows. Both newspapers presented Lithuania in slightly different ways. The Times had less articles about Lithuania and the country was presented in a quite narrow context (home news) as one of the East European countries, while The Guardian had more articles in which the country was pictured in a more broad context (international events) with more topics to cover (culture, economics) and being part of the western bloc. It was also concluded that Lithuania is mostly presented through the international politics and sport context, while the articles about the crime were quite minor and repetitive of same story. Finally, the tendence of uncertainty is felt. While politically, Lithuania is quite assertive, culturally, the country is still seeking for its identity, therefore, that is felt in most stories about cultural events and that might be one of the reasons why this uncertainty is felt in the press, i.e. the tendency of not having strong opinion or having a contradictory views is present.

The purpose of this paper is to examine how the British press shapes the image of Lithuania. To achieve the result certain questions were raised: how often is Lithuania mentioned in the selected newspapers; what are the major topics/coverage that mention Lithuania; what is the role of Lithuania in those topics; what attitude is being formed towards Lithuania in those topics; what means are used in the image formation. Two major British newspapers The Times and The Guardian were taken for the analysis of the articles. For the research all articles between the period of the 1st January to the 31st December 2008 were used. The methods of content analysis were mostly applied though the comparison of different newspapers was also selected. The paper is divided into two main parts. The first part is used to present the general views on the media, theoretical approach, main research on national image that is formed by the media. The second part reveals the means of how and the reasons why certain sources for the reaseach were selected: the selection of the media, newspapers, articles and periods; defining the variables and formation of the code (coding schemata); gathering of information; data analysis; concluding remarks. The conclusion that was arrived is as follows. Both newspapers presented Lithuania in slightly different ways. The Times had less articles about Lithuania and the country was presented in a quite narrow context (home news) as one of the East European countries, while The Guardian had more articles in which the country was pictured in a more broad context (international events) with more topics to cover (culture, economics) and being part of the western bloc. It was also concluded that Lithuania is mostly presented through the international politics and sport context, while the articles about the crime were quite minor and repetitive of same story. Finally, the tendence of uncertainty is felt. While politically, Lithuania is quite assertive, culturally, the country is still seeking for its identity, therefore, that is felt in most stories about cultural events and that might be one of the reasons why this uncertainty is felt in the press, i.e. the tendency of not having strong opinion or having a contradictory views is present.

The purpose of this paper is to examine how the British press shapes the image of Lithuania. To achieve the result certain questions were raised: how often is Lithuania mentioned in the selected newspapers; what are the major topics/coverage that mention Lithuania; what is the role of Lithuania in those topics; what attitude is being formed towards Lithuania in those topics; what means are used in the image formation. Two major British newspapers The Times and The Guardian were taken for the analysis of the articles. For the research all articles between the period of the 1st January to the 31st December 2008 were used. The methods of content analysis were mostly applied though the comparison of different newspapers was also selected. The paper is divided into two main parts. The first part is used to present the general views on the media, theoretical approach, main research on national image that is formed by the media. The second part reveals the means of how and the reasons why certain sources for the reaseach were selected: the selection of the media, newspapers, articles and periods; defining the variables and formation of the code (coding schemata); gathering of information; data analysis; concluding remarks. The conclusion that was arrived is as follows. Both newspapers presented Lithuania in slightly different ways. The Times had less articles about Lithuania and the country was presented in a quite narrow context (home news) as one of the East European countries, while The Guardian had more articles in which the country was pictured in a more broad context (international events) with more topics to cover (culture, economics) and being part of the western bloc. It was also concluded that Lithuania is mostly presented through the international politics and sport context, while the articles about the crime were quite minor and repetitive of same story. Finally, the tendence of uncertainty is felt. While politically, Lithuania is quite assertive, culturally, the country is still seeking for its identity, therefore, that is felt in most stories about cultural events and that might be one of the reasons why this uncertainty is felt in the press, i.e. the tendency of not having strong opinion or having a contradictory views is present.

The purpose of this paper is to examine how the British press shapes the image of Lithuania. To achieve the result certain questions were raised: how often is Lithuania mentioned in the selected newspapers; what are the major topics/coverage that mention Lithuania; what is the role of Lithuania in those topics; what attitude is being formed towards Lithuania in those topics; what means are used in the image formation. Two major British newspapers The Times and The Guardian were taken for the analysis of the articles. For the research all articles between the period of the 1st January to the 31st December 2008 were used. The methods of content analysis were mostly applied though the comparison of different newspapers was also selected. The paper is divided into two main parts. The first part is used to present the general views on the media, theoretical approach, main research on national image that is formed by the media. The second part reveals the means of how and the reasons why certain sources for the reaseach were selected: the selection of the media, newspapers, articles and periods; defining the variables and formation of the code (coding schemata); gathering of information; data analysis; concluding remarks. The conclusion that was arrived is as follows. Both newspapers presented Lithuania in slightly different ways. The Times had less articles about Lithuania and the country was presented in a quite narrow context (home news) as one of the East European countries, while The Guardian had more articles in which the country was pictured in a more broad context (international events) with more topics to cover (culture, economics) and being part of the western bloc. It was also concluded that Lithuania is mostly presented through the international politics and sport context, while the articles about the crime were quite minor and repetitive of same story. Finally, the tendence of uncertainty is felt. While politically, Lithuania is quite assertive, culturally, the country is still seeking for its identity, therefore, that is felt in most stories about cultural events and that might be one of the reasons why this uncertainty is felt in the press, i.e. the tendency of not having strong opinion or having a contradictory views is present.

In the present study the most frequent conceptual metaphors of the EU in the British Press are analysed applying the method of content analysis.

In the present study the most frequent conceptual metaphors of the EU in the British Press are analysed applying the method of content analysis.

Election campaign is extremely significant part of political process, when politicians are trying to sell their 'product' at any price. They must attract support from the public and in order to achieve it, they can use different types of political communications. It is important to choose the right style, the one that could reach the biggest amount of aimed public and help to gain their support. Media identifies and judges the style of election campaign of candidate: how many/ few tools are being used; what sort of message is desired to be sent- negative/positive, relevant/irrelevant; how he/she communicates with public, a lot/ little, pleasantly or tries to avoid a contact. Object of the assay- D. Cameron and G. Brown general election campaign, subject- a formation of communication style of D. Cameron and G. Brown during the campaign. The aim of this work- to elucidate the features of communication style of D. Cameron and also G. Brown's election campaign. There are main two hypotheses that will be tested: H1: D. Cameron, the leader of opposition, is using a negative information against G. Brown and his government during his election campaign; H2: G. Brown as a prime minister is using a positive tactic and expects to win elections again. The investigation shows that Cameron election campaign has been established gradually, in order to create a modern image of the leader of party, but failed to distance from M. Thatcher and her established brand. Electoral campaign slogans have been carefully thought out and had associations and confirmations in the line of image of D. Cameron created Pre-election. The vast majority of the electoral campaign was negative, constantly criticising the ongoing policy of rival- and therefore showing why not to vote for Brown. So the analysis in this work confirms the first hypothesis. The analysis also concludes that the second hypothesis is denied. Election campaign of Brown was extremely negative. It mainly focused on idea that D. Cameron represents only the upper class- 'posh people' and his changes would be dangerous for Britain. Additionally, the campaign was aiming to show G. Brown not as faultless individual, but on the contrary as a fallible and human being who was able to admit his mistakes and also confess that he was not perfect, but he was an expert in economic matters, who made efficient decisions for Britain. The investigation found the pre-election situation was unfavourable to both the Conservative and Labour parties and their leaders. The reason was the parliamentary expenses scandal, which has further reduced public confidence in politicians.

Election campaign is extremely significant part of political process, when politicians are trying to sell their 'product' at any price. They must attract support from the public and in order to achieve it, they can use different types of political communications. It is important to choose the right style, the one that could reach the biggest amount of aimed public and help to gain their support. Media identifies and judges the style of election campaign of candidate: how many/ few tools are being used; what sort of message is desired to be sent- negative/positive, relevant/irrelevant; how he/she communicates with public, a lot/ little, pleasantly or tries to avoid a contact. Object of the assay- D. Cameron and G. Brown general election campaign, subject- a formation of communication style of D. Cameron and G. Brown during the campaign. The aim of this work- to elucidate the features of communication style of D. Cameron and also G. Brown's election campaign. There are main two hypotheses that will be tested: H1: D. Cameron, the leader of opposition, is using a negative information against G. Brown and his government during his election campaign; H2: G. Brown as a prime minister is using a positive tactic and expects to win elections again. The investigation shows that Cameron election campaign has been established gradually, in order to create a modern image of the leader of party, but failed to distance from M. Thatcher and her established brand. Electoral campaign slogans have been carefully thought out and had associations and confirmations in the line of image of D. Cameron created Pre-election. The vast majority of the electoral campaign was negative, constantly criticising the ongoing policy of rival- and therefore showing why not to vote for Brown. So the analysis in this work confirms the first hypothesis. The analysis also concludes that the second hypothesis is denied. Election campaign of Brown was extremely negative. It mainly focused on idea that D. Cameron represents only the upper class- 'posh people' and his changes would be dangerous for Britain. Additionally, the campaign was aiming to show G. Brown not as faultless individual, but on the contrary as a fallible and human being who was able to admit his mistakes and also confess that he was not perfect, but he was an expert in economic matters, who made efficient decisions for Britain. The investigation found the pre-election situation was unfavourable to both the Conservative and Labour parties and their leaders. The reason was the parliamentary expenses scandal, which has further reduced public confidence in politicians.

Election campaign is extremely significant part of political process, when politicians are trying to sell their 'product' at any price. They must attract support from the public and in order to achieve it, they can use different types of political communications. It is important to choose the right style, the one that could reach the biggest amount of aimed public and help to gain their support. Media identifies and judges the style of election campaign of candidate: how many/ few tools are being used; what sort of message is desired to be sent- negative/positive, relevant/irrelevant; how he/she communicates with public, a lot/ little, pleasantly or tries to avoid a contact. Object of the assay- D. Cameron and G. Brown general election campaign, subject- a formation of communication style of D. Cameron and G. Brown during the campaign. The aim of this work- to elucidate the features of communication style of D. Cameron and also G. Brown's election campaign. There are main two hypotheses that will be tested: H1: D. Cameron, the leader of opposition, is using a negative information against G. Brown and his government during his election campaign; H2: G. Brown as a prime minister is using a positive tactic and expects to win elections again. The investigation shows that Cameron election campaign has been established gradually, in order to create a modern image of the leader of party, but failed to distance from M. Thatcher and her established brand. Electoral campaign slogans have been carefully thought out and had associations and confirmations in the line of image of D. Cameron created Pre-election. The vast majority of the electoral campaign was negative, constantly criticising the ongoing policy of rival- and therefore showing why not to vote for Brown. So the analysis in this work confirms the first hypothesis. The analysis also concludes that the second hypothesis is denied. Election campaign of Brown was extremely negative. It mainly focused on idea that D. Cameron represents only the upper class- 'posh people' and his changes would be dangerous for Britain. Additionally, the campaign was aiming to show G. Brown not as faultless individual, but on the contrary as a fallible and human being who was able to admit his mistakes and also confess that he was not perfect, but he was an expert in economic matters, who made efficient decisions for Britain. The investigation found the pre-election situation was unfavourable to both the Conservative and Labour parties and their leaders. The reason was the parliamentary expenses scandal, which has further reduced public confidence in politicians.

This paper presents a comparison of Belgium, British and French's Passenger Name Record (PNR) systems with the European Union (EU) rules, guided by the EU PNR Directive. This directive was adopted in spring 2016, leading to a mandatory transposition in the national systems at the latest on the 25th of May 2018. Such a system allows to collect and use air passengers' data in order to prevent, detect, investigate or even prosecute terrorist offences or serious crimes. The main goal of the thesis is to highlight the differences between the EU and national rules, in order to help solving them to be in compliance with the EU framework. To do so, the comparative method is the most used, also combined with the descriptive one, in order to first present each system independently. The analysis shows that the Belgium system, created in light with the EU PNR Directive as a real transposition law, is the closest to the EU framework and in compliance with the EU rules. However the French and British systems, which were created before the Belgium and EU rules, have some discrepancies, which need to be changed in order to comply with the EU PNR Directive.

This paper presents a comparison of Belgium, British and French's Passenger Name Record (PNR) systems with the European Union (EU) rules, guided by the EU PNR Directive. This directive was adopted in spring 2016, leading to a mandatory transposition in the national systems at the latest on the 25th of May 2018. Such a system allows to collect and use air passengers' data in order to prevent, detect, investigate or even prosecute terrorist offences or serious crimes. The main goal of the thesis is to highlight the differences between the EU and national rules, in order to help solving them to be in compliance with the EU framework. To do so, the comparative method is the most used, also combined with the descriptive one, in order to first present each system independently. The analysis shows that the Belgium system, created in light with the EU PNR Directive as a real transposition law, is the closest to the EU framework and in compliance with the EU rules. However the French and British systems, which were created before the Belgium and EU rules, have some discrepancies, which need to be changed in order to comply with the EU PNR Directive.

The present study has attempted the analysis of public discourse and its moral expectations through metaphor at a contrastive level in the theoretical framework of cognitive linguistics. The study deals with the identification of morality models in public discourse in English and Lithuanian. The materials of the study consist of analytical political articles extracted from the online archives of two following websites: (1) www.economist.com, (2) www.politika.lt. The collected data amounts to 415, 670 words in total. Three methods of analysis were applied to the collected data: qualitative, quantitative and contrastive. The analysis reveals that political affairs in both cultures are framed by the same conceptual metaphors. The structural composition of the conceptual metaphors has been examined in terms of the following thirteen SOURCE domains: MOTION, RELATIONSHIP, STRENGTH, HEALTH, SPORTS, WAR, ESSENCE, BUSINESS, DIRT, SENSES, WHOLENESS, THEATRE, and ANIMALS. The cross-mapping between SOURCE domains and TARGET domains is held by different epistemic correspondences, which leads to the variability of MORALITY models across the two languages, i.e. English and Lithuanian. British politics tends to be more varied in its moral expectations, which derive from three types of Morality Systems: Pragmatic, Rational and Integrated. Thus, the moral expectations governing British political discourse are based on the Complex Morality Model. By contrast, Lithuanian politics is predominantly governed by the Pragmatic Morality Model.

The present study has attempted the analysis of public discourse and its moral expectations through metaphor at a contrastive level in the theoretical framework of cognitive linguistics. The study deals with the identification of morality models in public discourse in English and Lithuanian. The materials of the study consist of analytical political articles extracted from the online archives of two following websites: (1) www.economist.com, (2) www.politika.lt. The collected data amounts to 415, 670 words in total. Three methods of analysis were applied to the collected data: qualitative, quantitative and contrastive. The analysis reveals that political affairs in both cultures are framed by the same conceptual metaphors. The structural composition of the conceptual metaphors has been examined in terms of the following thirteen SOURCE domains: MOTION, RELATIONSHIP, STRENGTH, HEALTH, SPORTS, WAR, ESSENCE, BUSINESS, DIRT, SENSES, WHOLENESS, THEATRE, and ANIMALS. The cross-mapping between SOURCE domains and TARGET domains is held by different epistemic correspondences, which leads to the variability of MORALITY models across the two languages, i.e. English and Lithuanian. British politics tends to be more varied in its moral expectations, which derive from three types of Morality Systems: Pragmatic, Rational and Integrated. Thus, the moral expectations governing British political discourse are based on the Complex Morality Model. By contrast, Lithuanian politics is predominantly governed by the Pragmatic Morality Model.

The present study has attempted the analysis of public discourse and its moral expectations through metaphor at a contrastive level in the theoretical framework of cognitive linguistics. The study deals with the identification of morality models in public discourse in English and Lithuanian. The materials of the study consist of analytical political articles extracted from the online archives of two following websites: (1) www.economist.com, (2) www.politika.lt. The collected data amounts to 415, 670 words in total. Three methods of analysis were applied to the collected data: qualitative, quantitative and contrastive. The analysis reveals that political affairs in both cultures are framed by the same conceptual metaphors. The structural composition of the conceptual metaphors has been examined in terms of the following thirteen SOURCE domains: MOTION, RELATIONSHIP, STRENGTH, HEALTH, SPORTS, WAR, ESSENCE, BUSINESS, DIRT, SENSES, WHOLENESS, THEATRE, and ANIMALS. The cross-mapping between SOURCE domains and TARGET domains is held by different epistemic correspondences, which leads to the variability of MORALITY models across the two languages, i.e. English and Lithuanian. British politics tends to be more varied in its moral expectations, which derive from three types of Morality Systems: Pragmatic, Rational and Integrated. Thus, the moral expectations governing British political discourse are based on the Complex Morality Model. By contrast, Lithuanian politics is predominantly governed by the Pragmatic Morality Model.

The present study has attempted the analysis of public discourse and its moral expectations through metaphor at a contrastive level in the theoretical framework of cognitive linguistics. The study deals with the identification of morality models in public discourse in English and Lithuanian. The materials of the study consist of analytical political articles extracted from the online archives of two following websites: (1) www.economist.com, (2) www.politika.lt. The collected data amounts to 415, 670 words in total. Three methods of analysis were applied to the collected data: qualitative, quantitative and contrastive. The analysis reveals that political affairs in both cultures are framed by the same conceptual metaphors. The structural composition of the conceptual metaphors has been examined in terms of the following thirteen SOURCE domains: MOTION, RELATIONSHIP, STRENGTH, HEALTH, SPORTS, WAR, ESSENCE, BUSINESS, DIRT, SENSES, WHOLENESS, THEATRE, and ANIMALS. The cross-mapping between SOURCE domains and TARGET domains is held by different epistemic correspondences, which leads to the variability of MORALITY models across the two languages, i.e. English and Lithuanian. British politics tends to be more varied in its moral expectations, which derive from three types of Morality Systems: Pragmatic, Rational and Integrated. Thus, the moral expectations governing British political discourse are based on the Complex Morality Model. By contrast, Lithuanian politics is predominantly governed by the Pragmatic Morality Model.