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The question of the nature of the legal authority exercised in Malta by British officials prior to 1813 has been a rich source of debate and controversy. The moment at which the British officials had a legal power to exercise full legislative and executive authority is elusive, despite its prominence as a seminal moment in Maltese constitutional history. Whether legal authority arose because of cession or conquest matters because, as we shall discover, the events on which these alternative possibilities are founded occurred at different times. If, for example, cession explains the legal and constitutional authority of the British Crown in Malta, we need an explanation of the legal source of that authority prior to cession. This is the question upon which this article focuses.

During the first half of the eighteenth century, the book-keeping of the East India Company in India seems to have been on a sound footing. Yet, from the middle of that century, inconsistencies turned up. Without doubt, this was related to the gradual take-over of revenue rights in Bengal after 1757. In London, too, the Company headed for a financial disaster. It was no longer possible to run the trading company with simple book-keeping whilst it was gradually establishing itself as a colonial power in Bengal. The Company's financial situation in India was permanently beyond control from the 1770s onwards. Extensive legislation in 1782 was implemented to address the financial situation. Eventually, it was the English government which consolidated the "Indian debt" by establishing the "India Budget" in 1788, running parallel to the "National Debt''. What had commenced as a problem of book-keeping ended in an overall parliamentary control of the Company's accounting whilst incorporating her financial matters into the public sphere of Great Britain. These "financial cum political operations" made the British Empire viable well into the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

by James Otis, Esq ; [Four lines in Latin from Virgil]. "Appendix. The city of Boston, at their annual meetin May, 1764, made choice of Richard Dana, Joseph Green, Nathaniel Bethune, John Ruddock, Esq'rs; and Mr. Samuel Adams, to prepare instructions for their representatives. The following instructions were reported by said committee, and unanimously voted."--Page 66-69. "Substance of a memorial presented the House, in pursuance of the above instructions."--Page 70-80. ; Florida Atlantic University Libraries' Marvin and Sybil Weiner Spirit of America Collection, Pamphlets: Speeches B1F6 ; Florida Atlantic Digital Library Collections

Medieval prognostic texts - a survival from the classical world - are the ancestors of modern almanacs; a means of predicting future events, they offer guidance on matters of everyday life, such as illness, childbirth, weather, agriculture, and the interpretation of dreams. They give fascinating insights into monastic life, medicine, pastoral care, the transformations of classical learning in the middle ages, and the complex interconnections between orthodox religion, popular belief, science and magic. This volume provides the first full critical edition, with a facing-page translation, of a diverse and peculiar group of prognostic guides and calendars, in Latin and Old English, found in an eleventh-century manuscript from Christ Church, Canterbury; they are collated with related versions in both Anglo-Saxon and continental manuscripts. A lengthy introduction and commentary examine the transmission and translation of these texts, and shed light on their origins and uses in late Anglo-Saxon monastic culture. Roy Liuzza is Professor of English at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville

This new history examines the development of the professions in England, centering on churchmen, lawyers, physicians, and teachers. Rosemary O'Day also offers a comparative perspective looking at the experience of Scotland and Ireland and Colonial Virginia

["Missive from London, May 24, 1701."] 1) King William III responds to a Parliamentary resolution. He thanks the Parliament for their support and pledges to support freedom (religious?) in Germany. Parliament then voted unanimously to send 5,000 Irish troops to Holland. The English public, including merchants, supported going to war as "more useful than the current peace". The largest fleet was in Spithead with 20 ships; it was ordered for them to set sail within 24 hours. 2) The House of Lords responded to the King in Kensington: they agreed to join the States General (Dutch Parliament) in an alliance. They further ask the King to join in an alliance with the (German) Kaiser as per the 1689 treaty. ; Florida Atlantic University Libraries' Marvin and Sybil Weiner Spirit of America Collection, Pamphlets: Foreign Language B2F10 ; Florida Atlantic University Digital Library

The article examines how far the reinvigoration of Magna Carta in seventeenth-century British legal thought was received into German discourses between c. 1650 and 1800. An analysis of early modern German works on feudal law and ius publicum, of historical writings as well as of political literature reveals a formal, but no substantive reception: early modern German scholarship betrays no signs of an effort to discuss or describe the actual contents, provisions and meaning of Magna Carta. Rather, from the mid-eighteenth century onwards, the Great Charter enters political debate as a trope for a constitutional guarantee of unnamed personal liberties.

Welfare to Work was one of the Labour Party's flagship policies during the run-up to the 1997 elections. Despite the fact that official unemployment figures were very rosy, it is indeed unthinkable for a political party not to treat job creation as one of its main preoccupations given the predicament in which the labour market has been ever since mass unemployment became structural. Governments of all persuasions have had to come to terms with the fact that unless they "think the unthinkable" a return to full employment is a figment of their imagination.

Welfare to Work was one of the Labour Party's flagship policies during the run-up to the 1997 elections. Despite the fact that official unemployment figures were very rosy, it is indeed unthinkable for a political party not to treat job creation as one of its main preoccupations given the predicament in which the labour market has been ever since mass unemployment became structural. Governments of all persuasions have had to come to terms with the fact that unless they "think the unthinkable" a return to full employment is a figment of their imagination.

Welfare to Work was one of the Labour Party's flagship policies during the run-up to the 1997 elections. Despite the fact that official unemployment figures were very rosy, it is indeed unthinkable for a political party not to treat job creation as one of its main preoccupations given the predicament in which the labour market has been ever since mass unemployment became structural. Governments of all persuasions have had to come to terms with the fact that unless they "think the unthinkable" a return to full employment is a figment of their imagination.