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Research object – Honorary consul general of Lithuania Jonas Žmuidzinas activity in Canada from 1962 to 1989. The aim of research – to analyze honorary consul general of Lithuania Jonas Žmuidzinas activity in Canada from 1962 to 1989. Methods of research. The analysis of scientific literature, periodicals, documents and systematic comparative. This study discussed Jonas Žmuidzinas political activities at the Lithuanian diplomatic service. In this research was analyzed Jonas Žmuidzinas appointment and diplomatic recognition circumstances of the Honorary Consul General of Lithuania in Canada. Study clarified what was Jonas Žmuidzinas cooperation with Canadian authorities in Lithuania liberation revealed case. As well study discussed what was Canadian Prime Minister John Diefenbaker position of Lithuanian Honorary Consulate General recognition in Canada. Study clarified how Lithuanian and other Baltic countries' consulates situation changed when leading role in Canada took liberal political stream. The study examined the Canadian press altitude about Lithuania honorary consul general, analyzed business activities with the co-operation with the Latvian and Estonian representatives of Canada. Also study presented Jonas Žmuidzinas position of Lithuania's honorary consulate general funding questions. Study disclosed Jonas Žmuidzinas cultural and social activities.

Research object – Honorary consul general of Lithuania Jonas Žmuidzinas activity in Canada from 1962 to 1989. The aim of research – to analyze honorary consul general of Lithuania Jonas Žmuidzinas activity in Canada from 1962 to 1989. Methods of research. The analysis of scientific literature, periodicals, documents and systematic comparative. This study discussed Jonas Žmuidzinas political activities at the Lithuanian diplomatic service. In this research was analyzed Jonas Žmuidzinas appointment and diplomatic recognition circumstances of the Honorary Consul General of Lithuania in Canada. Study clarified what was Jonas Žmuidzinas cooperation with Canadian authorities in Lithuania liberation revealed case. As well study discussed what was Canadian Prime Minister John Diefenbaker position of Lithuanian Honorary Consulate General recognition in Canada. Study clarified how Lithuanian and other Baltic countries' consulates situation changed when leading role in Canada took liberal political stream. The study examined the Canadian press altitude about Lithuania honorary consul general, analyzed business activities with the co-operation with the Latvian and Estonian representatives of Canada. Also study presented Jonas Žmuidzinas position of Lithuania's honorary consulate general funding questions. Study disclosed Jonas Žmuidzinas cultural and social activities.

Research object – Honorary consul general of Lithuania Jonas Žmuidzinas activity in Canada from 1962 to 1989. The aim of research – to analyze honorary consul general of Lithuania Jonas Žmuidzinas activity in Canada from 1962 to 1989. Methods of research. The analysis of scientific literature, periodicals, documents and systematic comparative. This study discussed Jonas Žmuidzinas political activities at the Lithuanian diplomatic service. In this research was analyzed Jonas Žmuidzinas appointment and diplomatic recognition circumstances of the Honorary Consul General of Lithuania in Canada. Study clarified what was Jonas Žmuidzinas cooperation with Canadian authorities in Lithuania liberation revealed case. As well study discussed what was Canadian Prime Minister John Diefenbaker position of Lithuanian Honorary Consulate General recognition in Canada. Study clarified how Lithuanian and other Baltic countries' consulates situation changed when leading role in Canada took liberal political stream. The study examined the Canadian press altitude about Lithuania honorary consul general, analyzed business activities with the co-operation with the Latvian and Estonian representatives of Canada. Also study presented Jonas Žmuidzinas position of Lithuania's honorary consulate general funding questions. Study disclosed Jonas Žmuidzinas cultural and social activities.

The article is discussing the approved Arctic strategies of Norway, Canada, the USA and the Russian Federation under which the policy regarding the North Circle is conducted. In this case, firstly, the Arctic is defined by what territory it covers, what significance to relations between the countries of the region it had in different time periods and what importance it has now. Also, the main objectives of the countries, means of realization of the objectives and the problems faced by the countries in the region are also identified here. All of this is presented in four main elements – multilateral cooperation, environmental protection, economy and national security which are identified in the strategies of Norway, Canada, the USA and Russia. Such pattern makes it possible to predict what actions the countries could take or how they could behave in certain situations in the future, and that is rather important because nowadays the Arctic becomes one of the most important regions in the world in regard to international relations, especially now when an agreement on the maritime delimitation between Norway and Russian Federation in the Barents Sea has been reached.

The article is discussing the approved Arctic strategies of Norway, Canada, the USA and the Russian Federation under which the policy regarding the North Circle is conducted. In this case, firstly, the Arctic is defined by what territory it covers, what significance to relations between the countries of the region it had in different time periods and what importance it has now. Also, the main objectives of the countries, means of realization of the objectives and the problems faced by the countries in the region are also identified here. All of this is presented in four main elements – multilateral cooperation, environmental protection, economy and national security which are identified in the strategies of Norway, Canada, the USA and Russia. Such pattern makes it possible to predict what actions the countries could take or how they could behave in certain situations in the future, and that is rather important because nowadays the Arctic becomes one of the most important regions in the world in regard to international relations, especially now when an agreement on the maritime delimitation between Norway and Russian Federation in the Barents Sea has been reached.

The article is discussing the approved Arctic strategies of Norway, Canada, the USA and the Russian Federation under which the policy regarding the North Circle is conducted. In this case, firstly, the Arctic is defined by what territory it covers, what significance to relations between the countries of the region it had in different time periods and what importance it has now. Also, the main objectives of the countries, means of realization of the objectives and the problems faced by the countries in the region are also identified here. All of this is presented in four main elements – multilateral cooperation, environmental protection, economy and national security which are identified in the strategies of Norway, Canada, the USA and Russia. Such pattern makes it possible to predict what actions the countries could take or how they could behave in certain situations in the future, and that is rather important because nowadays the Arctic becomes one of the most important regions in the world in regard to international relations, especially now when an agreement on the maritime delimitation between Norway and Russian Federation in the Barents Sea has been reached.

This paper analyses the conception of things, the classification of principal and auxiliary things generally and particular kinds of auxiliary things (essential parts of principal things, fruit, production, income and appurtenances) in Roman, Lithuanian and foreign countries' law. Legal regulation of Lithuania and foreign countries (Latvia, Italy, Quebec province of Canada, France, Austria Russia), the practice of Lithuanian Supreme Court and Lithuanian legal doctrine, concerned with principal and auxiliary things, was analysed in order to achieve the purpose of this paper. The most part of practical problems of Lithuanian law are concerned with appurtenances and essential parts of principal things. Fruit, production and income usually are concerned with theoretical problems. Their analysis is based on evaluation of possible positive and negative effects, correspondence to purposes of legislator and correspondence to legal doctrine.

This paper analyses the conception of things, the classification of principal and auxiliary things generally and particular kinds of auxiliary things (essential parts of principal things, fruit, production, income and appurtenances) in Roman, Lithuanian and foreign countries' law. Legal regulation of Lithuania and foreign countries (Latvia, Italy, Quebec province of Canada, France, Austria Russia), the practice of Lithuanian Supreme Court and Lithuanian legal doctrine, concerned with principal and auxiliary things, was analysed in order to achieve the purpose of this paper. The most part of practical problems of Lithuanian law are concerned with appurtenances and essential parts of principal things. Fruit, production and income usually are concerned with theoretical problems. Their analysis is based on evaluation of possible positive and negative effects, correspondence to purposes of legislator and correspondence to legal doctrine.

In a Master thesis "Battle for the Arctic: Juridical, Political and Geopolitical Interests of States" is examined the battle for the Arctic in a 21st century, which includes five Arctic states: Denmark, US, Canada, Norway and Russia. The main idea of this research is to examine current situation in the Arctic Region, to discover the main interests of Arctic five in the High North and to foresee possible solutions of current disagreements. The research is implemented through fulfillment of five goals which are the basis of each chapter of this research. First chapter is committed to the analysis of the geopolitical changes in the Arctic Region. By using Traditional geopolitical theories is discovered that Arctic territories plays a huge role in great power politics. Arctic territories are like a playground for US and Russia, where they are struggling for increasing their power. In the mean time, the rest participants of the battle for the Arctic are dominated by Russia's and US interests. But it is noticed that Canada has a potential to compete with the great powers, Russia and US. The second chapter is an analysis of legal norms which regulates battle for the Arctic. Analysis of The United Nations Convention on the Law showed that possible solutions mainly depend from the Arctic five, because The Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf is only able to give its recommendations about possible sea borders delimitation. The third chapter gives broader view about Arctic countries interests in the Arctic region and current disagreements between Arctic five. The fourth chapter is about cooperation between countries participating in the battle for Arctic. In this chapter is discovered that all participants of the battle for the Arctic are willing to solve their disagreements on legal terms and the possible military confrontation they imagine as the last resort. The last, fifth, chapter is the correlation of possible Arctic future. As battle for the Arctic is a new phenomenon in international relations, it is difficult to foresee its future. But the main conclusion of this research says that disagreements between Arctic countries stimulate the need for cooperation and that denies the possibility of battle turning to military confrontation or even the new cold war.

In a Master thesis "Battle for the Arctic: Juridical, Political and Geopolitical Interests of States" is examined the battle for the Arctic in a 21st century, which includes five Arctic states: Denmark, US, Canada, Norway and Russia. The main idea of this research is to examine current situation in the Arctic Region, to discover the main interests of Arctic five in the High North and to foresee possible solutions of current disagreements. The research is implemented through fulfillment of five goals which are the basis of each chapter of this research. First chapter is committed to the analysis of the geopolitical changes in the Arctic Region. By using Traditional geopolitical theories is discovered that Arctic territories plays a huge role in great power politics. Arctic territories are like a playground for US and Russia, where they are struggling for increasing their power. In the mean time, the rest participants of the battle for the Arctic are dominated by Russia's and US interests. But it is noticed that Canada has a potential to compete with the great powers, Russia and US. The second chapter is an analysis of legal norms which regulates battle for the Arctic. Analysis of The United Nations Convention on the Law showed that possible solutions mainly depend from the Arctic five, because The Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf is only able to give its recommendations about possible sea borders delimitation. The third chapter gives broader view about Arctic countries interests in the Arctic region and current disagreements between Arctic five. The fourth chapter is about cooperation between countries participating in the battle for Arctic. In this chapter is discovered that all participants of the battle for the Arctic are willing to solve their disagreements on legal terms and the possible military confrontation they imagine as the last resort. The last, fifth, chapter is the correlation of possible Arctic future. As battle for the Arctic is a new phenomenon in international relations, it is difficult to foresee its future. But the main conclusion of this research says that disagreements between Arctic countries stimulate the need for cooperation and that denies the possibility of battle turning to military confrontation or even the new cold war.

In a Master thesis "Battle for the Arctic: Juridical, Political and Geopolitical Interests of States" is examined the battle for the Arctic in a 21st century, which includes five Arctic states: Denmark, US, Canada, Norway and Russia. The main idea of this research is to examine current situation in the Arctic Region, to discover the main interests of Arctic five in the High North and to foresee possible solutions of current disagreements. The research is implemented through fulfillment of five goals which are the basis of each chapter of this research. First chapter is committed to the analysis of the geopolitical changes in the Arctic Region. By using Traditional geopolitical theories is discovered that Arctic territories plays a huge role in great power politics. Arctic territories are like a playground for US and Russia, where they are struggling for increasing their power. In the mean time, the rest participants of the battle for the Arctic are dominated by Russia's and US interests. But it is noticed that Canada has a potential to compete with the great powers, Russia and US. The second chapter is an analysis of legal norms which regulates battle for the Arctic. Analysis of The United Nations Convention on the Law showed that possible solutions mainly depend from the Arctic five, because The Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf is only able to give its recommendations about possible sea borders delimitation. The third chapter gives broader view about Arctic countries interests in the Arctic region and current disagreements between Arctic five. The fourth chapter is about cooperation between countries participating in the battle for Arctic. In this chapter is discovered that all participants of the battle for the Arctic are willing to solve their disagreements on legal terms and the possible military confrontation they imagine as the last resort. The last, fifth, chapter is the correlation of possible Arctic future. As battle for the Arctic is a new phenomenon in international relations, it is difficult to foresee its future. But the main conclusion of this research says that disagreements between Arctic countries stimulate the need for cooperation and that denies the possibility of battle turning to military confrontation or even the new cold war.

In a Master thesis "Battle for the Arctic: Juridical, Political and Geopolitical Interests of States" is examined the battle for the Arctic in a 21st century, which includes five Arctic states: Denmark, US, Canada, Norway and Russia. The main idea of this research is to examine current situation in the Arctic Region, to discover the main interests of Arctic five in the High North and to foresee possible solutions of current disagreements. The research is implemented through fulfillment of five goals which are the basis of each chapter of this research. First chapter is committed to the analysis of the geopolitical changes in the Arctic Region. By using Traditional geopolitical theories is discovered that Arctic territories plays a huge role in great power politics. Arctic territories are like a playground for US and Russia, where they are struggling for increasing their power. In the mean time, the rest participants of the battle for the Arctic are dominated by Russia's and US interests. But it is noticed that Canada has a potential to compete with the great powers, Russia and US. The second chapter is an analysis of legal norms which regulates battle for the Arctic. Analysis of The United Nations Convention on the Law showed that possible solutions mainly depend from the Arctic five, because The Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf is only able to give its recommendations about possible sea borders delimitation. The third chapter gives broader view about Arctic countries interests in the Arctic region and current disagreements between Arctic five. The fourth chapter is about cooperation between countries participating in the battle for Arctic. In this chapter is discovered that all participants of the battle for the Arctic are willing to solve their disagreements on legal terms and the possible military confrontation they imagine as the last resort. The last, fifth, chapter is the correlation of possible Arctic future. As battle for the Arctic is a new phenomenon in international relations, it is difficult to foresee its future. But the main conclusion of this research says that disagreements between Arctic countries stimulate the need for cooperation and that denies the possibility of battle turning to military confrontation or even the new cold war.

European Union is facing challenges of ageing societies and changes in structure of economy, thus labour shortages turn into an urgent issue that ultimately affects labour market sustainability. In its attempt to recruit highly qualified workers EU has strong international competitors, e.g. USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and pursues a variety of initiatives at national level of the Member States and at the EU level in general. This article aims at assessing the EU policies related to migration of highly qualified workers. Statistical data analysis has revealed that labour mobility is increasing in EU. Thus the EU Mobility directive could be evaluated as bringing benefits, yet with a room for improvement, because highly qualified workers still make up just a small part in all the mobile citizens' population. National initiatives are more effective in fostering the migration of highly qualified workers, but this has the threat of unequal benefits in different EU regions; the effectiveness of EU Blue Card initiative is weak but with a high potential, thus it needs further improvements in its issuing policies.

European Union is facing challenges of ageing societies and changes in structure of economy, thus labour shortages turn into an urgent issue that ultimately affects labour market sustainability. In its attempt to recruit highly qualified workers EU has strong international competitors, e.g. USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and pursues a variety of initiatives at national level of the Member States and at the EU level in general. This article aims at assessing the EU policies related to migration of highly qualified workers. Statistical data analysis has revealed that labour mobility is increasing in EU. Thus the EU Mobility directive could be evaluated as bringing benefits, yet with a room for improvement, because highly qualified workers still make up just a small part in all the mobile citizens' population. National initiatives are more effective in fostering the migration of highly qualified workers, but this has the threat of unequal benefits in different EU regions; the effectiveness of EU Blue Card initiative is weak but with a high potential, thus it needs further improvements in its issuing policies.