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Introduction -- Market, state and capitalism: theories of political economy and China -- Market in state: a theory of Chinese political economy -- The state and market in imperial China -- Origins of the modern Chinese political economy: geopolitics, mobilization, and state building -- Grassroots capitalism and marketization: dynamics of market reform in the contemporary era -- The middle-ground: the nexus between the state and private enterprises -- The money regimes: fiscal and monetary reforms and their limits -- State capitalism: the centrally-managed SOEs and economic domination -- Conclusion

"In 1921, Walter Benjamin wrote his seminal essay on 'Capitalism as Religion' stating that capitalism is purely cultic, while missing elements of dogmatics, transcendence, and salvation. In recent years this text has received renewed attention. In his article, Andreas Arndt presents a short review of the recent debate and, unlike other authors, emphasizes that Benjamin refers more to anti-capitalist literary work and apocalyptic visions than to a marxist notion of capitalism and a framework of political economy." (author's abstract)

The concept of shareholder value has come in for heavy criticism as a result of the recent developments in the corporate governance sector, particularly the revelations of false accounting by global corporate titans & the subsequent large lay-offs in the workforce. In the debates, two models of capitalism are contrasted. On the one hand, the "Stakeholder" capitalism (as in the "rhinish" model) &, on the other, the model of Shareholder Value (Anglo-Saxon model), which emerged as a result of the liberalization of the US financial markets at the end of the 1970s. The purpose of the paper is to analyze the contradictions & theoretical confusion about the concept of Shareholder Value, in order to demonstrate how Shareholder Value has initiated changes in Anglo-Saxon capitalism since the l970s, & why Shareholder Value is increasingly accepted as a corporate governance strategy in Europe. 1 Figure, 39 References. Adapted from the source document.

In societies with underdeveloped productive forces, particularly in agriculture, capitalist transition typically brings temporary revenue increases. In leading economies, the shift to capitalism was blocked as long as profits were not redistributed for mass incomes, & agricultural (food) productivity kept increasing. In contemporary underdeveloped economies, the barrier of previous increases in productivity does not operate due to the integration into a capitalist world system. Additionally, high profits are reinforced by international specialization that discourages Third World food & investment goods sectors. As such, market increases cannot replace the necessary struggle for the channeling of profits into the production of goods & mass consumption. 1 Graph. Adapted from the source document.

El presente trabajo se propone reflexionar sobre la relación entre guerra y política. El punto de partida de son algunas indicaciones realizadas por Juan Carlos Marín acerca de la necesidad de producir una crítica del fetichismo de las armas presente en las concepciones militaristas del estatuto de la guerra en el marco del capitalismo que sea paralela a la crítica del fetichismo de la mercancía en Marx. Para pensar este paralelismo se toman los conceptos de "estado-nación" y "ciudadano" como las claves de la construcción de la fuerza armada de la burguesía. La "ciudadanización" como proceso de disciplinamiento de los cuerpos fundamental del capitalismo es explorada a partir de dos autores. Por un lado, se retoma a Louis Althusser, quien afirma que en la lucha de clases lo que se enfrentan no son solo dos clases, sino también dos formas de lucha. Por otra parte, se explora esta tesis a partir de los análisis que Dardo Scavino hace del dispositivo sarmientino de la oposición entre "Civilización y Barbarie" como modelo de constitución de la lucha de clases burguesa y proceso de ciudadanización en la Argentina. Por último, en las conclusiones se exploran los límites de la noción de "ciudadano" en el marco de las políticas neoliberales impuestas por las dictaduras latinoamericanas y el dominio del capital financiero en el ultra-imperialismo ; The aim of this paper is to reflect on the relationship between war and politics. The starting point are some indications made by Juan Carlos Marín about the necessity to produce a criticism on fetichism of weapons that runs in parallel with the criticism made by Marx on the fetichism of commodities. To think this paralelism we use the concepts of nation-state and that of citizen as the keys on the construction of the armed forces of bourgeoisie. The process of construction of citizenship as one of disciplining bodies is thought to be fundamental in capitalism and it is explored in the ideas on class struggle in two authors. On the one hand, Louis Althusser states that in class struggle what we find is not only two classes, but also two forms of struggle. On the other hand, this thesis is developed and explored in the analisis that Dardo Scavino makes of the device "Civilization and Barbarism" putted forward by Sarmiento as a model of the constitution of bourgeoisie's class struggle and constitution of citizenship in Argentina. In the conclusions we explore the notion of "citizen" and it's limits in the frame of neoliberal politics imposed by military dictatorships in latin-america and the hegemony of financial capital in ultra-imperialism.

How might critical library and information studies analyze the intersection of information infrastructure and class structure? The emergence of big data through "datafication" rests on the historical process of information and communication technology (ICT) production and distribution. This paper explores the concept of datafication as an integrated component of information infrastructures unfolding within the class structures of capitalism. A critical realist perspective on relational sociology is offered to illustrate how heterogenous data sources are combined and configured to activate materials and bodies into new internal economic class relations of control. My analysis of datafication therefore moves beyond isolated conceptions of "information" and toward the capacity of distributed data sources to extend and deepen class structures. Two recent large scale cases of datafication are analyzed to highlight its causal powers within class structured society. The first case is drawn from a New York Times article concerning the subprime automobile loan market in the United States. The article details the installation of surveillance technologies into the vehicles of people segmented by low credit scores as a condition of exchange for subprime loans. As a result of this exchange, surveillance technologies capture borrower's driving behaviors and locations in real-time data flows. These data flows are analyzed according to interest bearing payment regimes, rendering both vehicle and borrower as manageable assets while conferring onto lenders the power of remote automobile deactivation. This suggests datafication of driving behaviour produces new implications for class conditions when such data are integrated with the structures of the subprime market. The second case detailed in several news articles examines the plan for a large scale top-down cybernetic behavioural programming initiative by the Chinese government termed the "social credit system," built from digital traces of multiple economic and non-economic social behaviours of its citizens. While aspects of this system are currently voluntary, they are expected to become mandatory within five years. Ubiquitous surveillance of digital activity never before combined into a predictive and prescriptive score may be considered a nation-wide disciplinary subsumption of social activity under novel valuation algorithms, integrating previously unwatched or irrelevant external activities into new internal relations determinative of class structured possibilities. The plan for a social credit system appears driven toward developing a seamlessly interconnected national behavioural identity for every Chinese citizen, which may produce structural implications for pre-existing class conditions. I suggest these cases are examples of the need for library and information studies to engage critically with the emerging causal powers of information infrastructures theorized here as deepening capitalism's control of class structures.

According to the Statistics Canada report from 2019, when it comes to the amount of time spent online, Canada beats out every other country in the world. This has likely been amplified due to the stay-at-home order caused by the COVID-19 crisis, hence why the new Bill C-11 will strengthen the current policies defending Canadians from corporate digital overstep. Alexa, Please: Babysit My Child will explore, analyze, and evaluate Amazon's neuro-capitalistic technologies, specifically pertaining to the technologies made for child-use. Neuro-capitalism is dangerous as it speaks to controlling the mind through the current hyper-technological society. Jurisdictional complexity surrounding A.I. and cybersecurity can be mitigated by government-funded education. Therefore, my research explores the question: From a neuro-capitalistic & digital-colonial standpoint, to what extent are Amazon's child-targeted technologies' (such as Kindle 4 Kids) consistent with the privacy policies of the new, proposed Bill C-11? This policy analysis will consist of three sections—first, an analysis of Amazon's Kindle 4 Kids Terms and Conditions (Site 1). Second, an evaluation of Bill C-11's ability to protect children from the pernicious aspects of neuro-capitalism (Site 2). Lastly, a compare and contrast section of the two entities, ending with a discussion of the findings. Particularly during the COVID-19 crisis, we must be sure that the Government of Canada is doing everything in their power to aid the youth of the country that spends the most time online and the most time with their babysitter: Alexa.

The development of welfare states should be explained not only as a factor of deindustrialization, social power resources, or economic competitiveness, but also as the consequence of Cold War confrontation, the post-9 / 11 new world order, and more broadly the long-term geopolitical competition between modern societies. Contradictions inherent to capitalism are the driving forces of recent trends in international political economy. Drawing upon Harvey's perspective, the aim of this article is to bind the contradictions of capital to the contradictions of the welfare state. While this does not entail suggesting these contradictions are of the same nature, it can be argued that the latter derives from the former. This perspective helps to integrate a global dimension into welfare state conceptualisation since the contradictions of capital are not only the product of state interrelations, but also reflect the interaction of market and society at the domestic and supra-national level. The purpose of this article is to apply Harvey's framework on the contradictions of capital to the period in which they have most affected welfare state reform, and to establish a chronology of the contradictions of the welfare state. This will demonstrate how the welfare state has evolved in response to the paradoxes of capital. However, instead of resolving the tensions inherent in capitalism, the welfare state started developing contradictions of its own. A deeper understanding of the contradictions of welfare states is vital in assessing the dynamics of modern social policies, as it enables the policy-makers to better understand why these arrangements do not often meet public expectations.

The predominant analysis of privacy on Facebook focuses on personal information revelation. This paper is critical of this kind of research and introduces an alternative analytical framework for studying privacy on Facebook, social networking sites and web 2.0. This framework is connecting the phenomenon of online privacy to the political economy of capitalism—a focus that has thus far been rather neglected in research literature about Internet and web 2.0 privacy. Liberal privacy philosophy tends to ignore the political economy of privacy in capitalism that can mask socio-economic inequality and protect capital and the rich from public accountability. Facebook is in this paper analyzed with the help of an approach, in which privacy for dominant groups, in regard to the ability of keeping wealth and power secret from the public, is seen as problematic, whereas privacy at the bottom of the power pyramid for consumers and normal citizens is seen as a protection from dominant interests. Facebook's privacy concept is based on an understanding that stresses self-regulation and on an individualistic understanding of privacy. The theoretical analysis of the political economy of privacy on Facebook in this paper is based on the political theories of Karl Marx, Hannah Arendt and Jürgen Habermas. Based on the political economist Dallas Smythe's concept of audience commodification, the process of prosumer commodification on Facebook is analyzed. The political economy of privacy on Facebook is analyzed with the help of a theory of drives that is grounded in Herbert Marcuse's interpretation of Sigmund Freud, which allows to analyze Facebook based on the concept of play labor (= the convergence of play and labor).

Au cours de cet entretien, Emmanuel Renault nous offre un aperçu de la manière dont la thématique de la reconnaissance est traitée en France aujourd'hui, notamment à travers le renouveau des études sur Hegel et Marx. Il explique la façon dont la reconnaissance a pu s'ériger en paradigme (en dépit de ses usages multiples et variés en France comme ailleurs), au cours de la dernière décennie et le rôle joué par Axel Honneth dans ce procès. Finalement, il explicite sa manière d'envisager la pratique de la philosophie politique et son projet d'une critique du capitalisme. Emmanuel Renault nous livre également un commentaire critique mais constructif sur la manière dont Paul Ricœur envisage la reconnaissance et suggère quelques pistes concernant les possibles développements futurs des usages de la reconnaissance. ; Au cours de cet entretien, Emmanuel Renault nous offre un aperçu de la manière dont la thématique de la reconnaissance est traitée en France aujourd'hui, notamment à travers le renouveau des études sur Hegel et Marx. Il explique la façon dont la reconnaissance a pu s'ériger en paradigme (en dépit de ses usages multiples et variés en France comme ailleurs), au cours de la dernière décennie et le rôle joué par Axel Honneth dans ce procès. Finalement, il explicite sa manière d'envisager la pratique de la philosophie politique et son projet d'une critique du capitalisme. Emmanuel Renault nous livre également un commentaire critique mais constructif sur la manière dont Paul Ricœur envisage la reconnaissance et suggère quelques pistes concernant les possibles développements futurs des usages de la reconnaissance.

The children of Sans Souci, Dessalines/Toussaint, and Pétion -- Phenomenological structuralism -- The protestant ethic and the spirit of capitalism -- The vodou ethic and the spirit of communism -- Lakouism and capitalism -- Conclusions : "the my nigga Haitian"