Suchergebnisse

Abstract. The article considers whether the EU's CSDP
missions are a suitable crisis management mechanism
for post-conflict situations, along with the EU's relevance in crisis management at all. For this purpose, the
EU's biggest CSDP civilian mission EULEX was chosen
as a research case study. The research results reveal that
EULEX has not implemented its mandate, not met the
expectations of security consumers, not made any difference on the ground, and cannot be seen as an example the EU should rely on in its future missions. Further,
EULEX shows that CSDP missions suffer from many
shortfalls and the EU CFSP from a capability–expectations gap. The article concludes that the EULEX mission
does not show the EU's relevance in the crisis management of post-conflict situations.

Mednarodno sodelovanje držav članic Evropske unije je izrednega pomena za učinkovito delovanje Unije. Predvsem pa je ključnega pomena za kakovost življenja ljudi znotraj držav članic. Eno izmed pomembnejših področij sodelovanja, ki zagotavlja kakovost življenja in varnost državljanov, je sodelovanje med policijami držav. Dotično sodelovanje ni samo pomembno, ampak že kar nujno glede na globalne razsežnosti kriminalitete. Države članice priznavajo varnost svojih državljanov kot eno od glavnih vrednot in pravic. Z namenom zaščite te pravice in omejevanja kriminalitete je Evropska unija sprejela razne instrumente, ukrepe in pravne okvire na področju mednarodnega policijskega sodelovanja. Pomembno je tudi delovanje raznih agencij Evropske unije, katerih namen je krepitev in usmerjanje sodelovanja med policijami držav članic. Primeri tovrstnih agencij so na primer Europol, Interpol, Sirene, Frontex, odbor COSI, SEPA, CEPOL itd. V nalogi je predstavljena tudi vloga in delovanje Slovenije v omenjenih agencijah ter njene aktivnosti na področju policijskega sodelovanja. To poteka na različne načine in na raznih področjih. Načine, oblike in področja sodelovanja sem poskušala predstaviti na primeru policijskega sodelovanja med Slovenijo in Italijo. ; The international cooperation of the Member States of the European Union is of utmost importance for the effective functioning of the Union. Above all, it is crucial for the quality of life of people within Member States. One of the most important areas of cooperation that guarantees the quality of life and the safety of citizens is the cooperation between the police of the countries. The cooperation in question is not only important, but rather necessary, given the global dimension of criminality. Member States recognize the safety of their citizens as one of the main values and rights. In order to protect this right and to limit criminality, the European Union has adopted various instruments, measures and legal frameworks in the field of international police cooperation. It is also important that the various European Union agencies work to strengthen and direct cooperation between the police of the Member States. Examples of such agencies include Europol, Interpol, Sirene, Frontex, COSI, SEPA, CEPOL, etc. The paper also presents the role of Slovenia in these agencies and its activities in the area of police cooperation. This is done in a variety of ways and in various fields. I tried to present ways, forms and areas of cooperation in the case of police cooperation between Slovenia and Italy.

The COVID-19 pandemic has had a significant impact on older people's lives on a global scale but for some marginalised communities have seen a marked exacerbation of health and other inequalities. Research has highlighted the impact of the pandemic on lesbian, gay, bisexual and trans (LGBT+) people's lives, but less has been documented about the experiences of LGBT+ older communities and how their specific needs have been mediated. Community-based advocacy organisations are central to promoting LGBT+ human rights in the UK through its social movements, and this paper explores their role and significance during a distinct period of the UK mandatory isolation. Drawing on a case study approach based on qualitative interviews with six key LGBT+ community organisations in the UK, we captured their insights into how they navigated support for older people when faced with limited resources and the challenges posed by mandatory physical and social distancing. We position these events in current discourse about structural and health inequalities for LGBT+ ageing in the UK.

Doseganje ciljev trajnostnega razvoja (Sustainable Development Goals – SDG) bo zahtevalo več sredstev, kot jih imajo države trenutno na voljo, kar predstavlja izziv predvsem v državah, ki imajo sicer hitro, a hkrati ne vključujočo se gospodarsko rast. Gospodarska rast namreč ne pomeni nujno razvoja, kljub temu pa vpliva na to, koliko uradne razvojne pomoči (Official Development Assistance – ODA) mednarodne skupnosti bo država prejemnica prejela. Nekatere gospodarsko hitro razvijajoče se države tako na eni strani dobivajo vse manj ODA, hkrati pa ostajajo dom najrevnejšim predelom sveta. Ta pojav kliče po novih oblikah in načinih financiranja ter novih pristopih. Prostor se odpira zasebnemu kapitalu na čelu z zasebno filantropijo, ki je, predvsem v državah v razvoju, močno v porastu. Filantropija se na eni strani pojavi kot akter, ki ima velik potencial, da v veliki meri zapolni (in že zapolnjuje) vrzel pri dosegi SDG, na drugi strani pa ni zavezana slediti splošnim sprejetim smernicam trajnostnega razvoja (od držav). To filantropiji omogoča, da svoje delovanje usmerja na podlagi lastnih interesov, ki pa bodisi sovpadajo bodisi nasprotujejo skupnim ciljem trajnostnega razvoja. Regulacija na tem področju je šibka, pogosto se soočamo s pomanjkanjem razumevanjem delovanja filantropskih organizacij kot tudi s pomanjkanjem informacij o njihovih finančnih tokovih. Hkrati pa se je treba zavedati, da je z naraščajočim se zasebnim premoženjem v mednarodnem razvojnem sodelovanju in potrebo po dosegi SDG bolj kot kadarkoli prej pomembno razumeti obseg, potencial in vpliv filantropskih organizacij tako pri dosegi SDG kot v tradicionalnih odnosih v mednarodni skupnosti. ; Reaching Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) demands more resources than are currently available to many states. This is a particular problem in developing countries, which are experiencing fast but not inclusive economic growth. Even though economic growth does not necessarily bring development, it remains a standard which defines how much international Official Development Assistance (ODA) a country receives. As a consequence, some countries with rapid economic growth are receiving less and less ODA, while still including some of the poorest parts of the world. This calls for new approaches and sources of financing to aid in development, and opens the door to private capital, including private philanthropy, which is especially important in developing countries. While philanthropy is seen as having a lot of potential with regard to pursuing SDG, it is not obliged to follow the same guidelines for sustainable development that have been adopted by state organizations. This enables philanthropic projects to act in their own interests, which may or may not coincide with the SDG agreed for a particular place. Moreover, regulation in this field is weak, and it is often unclear how specific philanthropic organizations operate. These facts, together with the growing amount of private wealth directed towards international development and the need to reach SGD, mean that it is more important than ever to understand the scope, potential and influence of philanthropic organizations in terms of both SDG and the changes we are seeing in traditional relations among members of the international community.

Abstract. We examined the changing sense of control over one's life during epidemics. Using original survey data during the first lockdown in May 2020 our case study focuses on Ljubljana's multi-apartment buildings (MAB) which, due to the physical proximity of the residents and the common spaces/facilities represent a distinct case with its particular threats (infection spread) and potential resources (neighbourly support) for coping with epidemic-related problems. We found a dramatic drop in perceived control over one's life, from 75% of respondents in usual times to 35% during the pandemic. Accounting for a range of epidemic-associated occurrences in the building and among the residents our regression analysis shows their significant impact on residents' sense of control that highly exceeding those of the quality of life and of basic socio-demographic characteristics. While our case study demonstrates that the specific setting of an MAB can provide a valuable layer of human action in times of crisis, further research is needed to permit generalisations. Keywords: pandemic, perceived control over one's life, ontological security, multi-apartment buildings, wellbeing, control over one's life

Abstract. The article examines how the landscape of social networks has significantly transformed the job search process. The objective of the study was to evaluate attitudes to searching for a job on social media with a focus on students attending the Faculty of Economics, University of Prishtina. The findings indicate that selfperceived level of social media activity is associated with time spent on social networks, and that unemployed individuals are more likely than those with jobs to use social media. The results show the most popular methods used for job searching were social media networks and online job portals. A noteworthy finding is that even individuals who do not use social networks recognise the importance of maintaining a professional profile on social media when it comes to searching for work. The study's findings hold implications for both job seekers and employers by highlighting the importance of using social media while searching for a job, necessitating strategic investments in online platforms, customised support programmes harnessing these platforms, enhanced digital literacy, and continuous research to adapt policies in response to evolving social media trends among job seekers.
Keywords: social media, job searching, recruitment, digitalisation

Odgovornost zaščititi (R2P) je bila sprejeta kot odziv na humanitarne katastrofe ob prelomu tisočletja, ko države niso zaščitile svojega prebivalstva pred grozodejstvi. Čeprav formalno ne gre za pravno normo, vsebinsko odraža obstoječe mednarodnopravne obveznosti držav, ki vključujejo preprečevanje hudodelstev zoper človečnost, vojnih hudodelstev in genocida. (Ne)spopadanje s pandemijo per se ne sodi v okvir R2P, vendar to ne pomeni, da zanjo ni izjemnega pomena. Izbruh pandemije COVID-19 je mednarodno skupnost postavil pred resen izziv. Poleg zdravstvene je prinesla še ekonomsko in socialno krizo, kar predstavlja resen dejavnik tveganja za pojav ali pospešitev grozodejstev, ki jih morajo države skladno z R2P preprečevati. K dolgotrajnejši prekinitvi sovražnosti, ki bi omogočila dostavo humanitarne pomoči najbolj ranljivim in uspešnejšo zajezitev pandemije, pa jih niso prepričali niti pozivi generalnega sekretarja Organizacije združenih narodov niti Generalne skupščine, Varnostnega sveta ali Sveta za človekove pravice, kar je posledično že tako marsikje težke življenjske razmere prebivalstva le še poslabšalo. Glede na takšno ravnanje držav se postavlja vprašanje, ali bi lahko neustrezno spopadanje s pandemijo rezultiralo celo v hudodelstvu zoper človečnost ali v kontekstu oboroženega spopada v vojnem hudodelstvu. Magistrsko diplomsko delo se tako osredotoča na vprašanja kako, če sploh, se spremeni odgovornost držav v času pandemije, kakšen vpliv ima slednja na R2P, ali je pandemijo mogoče nasloviti v okviru R2P ali pa bi le-to pomenilo izkrivljanje doseženega konsenza iz l. 2005. ; The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) was adopted in response to the humanitarian catastrophes at the turn of the millennium, as States did not protect their populations from atrocities. Although not formally a legal norm, its content reflects the international legal obligations of States, which include the prevention of crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide. Addressing the pandemic itself does not fall within the scope of R2P, however it is of extreme importance for it. The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic presents a serious challenge to the international community, as it not only presents health but also an economic and social crisis, which is a serious risk factor for the occurrence or acceleration of atrocities that States must prevent according to the R2P. However, neither the calls of the Secretary-General of the United Nations nor the General Assembly, the Security Council or the Human Rights Council, convinced them of longer-term ceasefires, which would enable delivery of humanitarian aid to the most vulnerable population and a more successful containment of a pandemic. Consequently, already difficult living conditions of the population have only worsened. Given the States' conduct, the question arises whether inappropriate responses to the pandemic could result in a crime against humanity or in the context of armed conflict in a war crime. The master's thesis thus focuses on how, if at all, the responsibility of the States changes during a pandemic, what impact it has on the R2P, whether the pandemic can be addressed under R2P, or the latter would only distort the 2005 reached consensus.

Listina o temeljnih pravicah Evropske unije predstavlja osrednji dokument varstva temeljnih pravic v Evropski uniji, ki so se razvila skozi prakso Sodišča Evropske unije. Kot deklaracija je bila najprej slovesno razglašena 7. decembra 2000, pravna veljava in status primarnega prava Evropske unije pa ji je bil podeljen devet let kasneje z Lizbonsko pogodbo. Vsebina Listine o temeljnih pravicah Evropske unije temelji na skupnih ustavnih tradicijah in mednarodnih obveznosti držav članic, Evropski konvenciji o varstvu človekovih pravic, socialnih listinah Evropske unije in Sveta Evrope, sodni praksi Sodišča Evropske unije ter Evropskega sodišča za človekove pravice. Kljub temu pa je njena vsebina tudi inovativna in v nekaterih primerih širša. Tako je z Listino o temeljnih pravicah Evropske unije, zagotovljena pravica do azila, kar predstavlja redkost v mednarodnih dokumentih varstva temeljnih pravic. V praksi jo tako Sodišče Evropske unije kot nacionalna sodišča velikokrat uporabljajo na področju migracij in azila. Sodišče Evropske unije igra pomembno vlogo pri harmonizaciji Skupnega evropskega azilnega sistema in zagotavljanju minimalnih standardov varstva pravic prosilcev za mednarodno zaščito skozi interpretacijo skladnosti določb sekundarne zakonodaje Evropske unije na področju azila in nacionalne zakonodaje z Listino o temeljnih pravicah Evropske unije. ; "Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union" represents a core bill of rights document within the European union which developed through the case law of the European Court of Justice. The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union was solemnly announced on 7 December 2000 as a Declaration, only becoming legally binding nine years later with the entry into force of the Lisbon treaty, which granted it the status of primary law of the European Union. The contents within the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union is based on the constitutional traditions and international obligations common to member states, the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights, Social Charters of the European union, and the Council of Europe, the case law of the European Court of Justice, and the European Court of Human Rights. However, it is also innovative and broader in some cases. Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union provides a right to be granted asylum, which represents a rarity in international instruments of fundamental rights. It is often used in practice by the European Court of Justice and national courts in the field of migration and asylum. The European Court of Justice plays an important role in harmonization of the Common European Asylum System and in setting of minimum standards for protection of the rights of applicants for international protection through its interpretation in compliance of secondary legislation of the European Union and national legislation with the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union.

Spremembe v mednarodni skupnosti po koncu hladne vojne so mednarodne institucije, ki delujejo na področju zagotavljanja miru in varnosti, postavile pred nove izzive, ki so izpostavili pomanjkljivost obstoječh norm, mehanizmov in konceptualnega aparata za naslavljanje novih varnostnih groženj. Mednarodne institucije se težko spopadajo z modernimi varnostnimi grožnjami, med katere spadajo tudi etnični konflikti, hkrati pa je proces prepoznavanja varnostnih groženj kompleksen. Magistrska naloga skozi študijo primera delovanja Varnostnega sveta in Organizacije za varnost in sodelovanje v Evropi v ukrajinskem konfliktu preučuje, kako pojmovanje varnosti mednarodnih institucij vpliva na upravljanje (etničnih) konfliktov. Naloga pokaže, da sodobno pojmovanje varnosti presega dojemanje države kot edinega relevatnega referenčnega objekta varnosti in da je varnost intersubjektivna kategorija, ki odpira vprašanje glede procesa prepoznavanja (novih) varnostnih groženj. Posledično pojmovanje varnosti vpliva na diskurz in delovanje akterjev. Na primeru Varnostnega sveta tako vidimo, da se države članice zavedajo pomena vzpostavljene prakse delovanja, ki izhaja iz pojmovanja varnosti dotične institucije, ter njenega vpliva na odločanje v Varnostnem svetu. OVSE pa kljub prepoznavanju kršitev določenih prvin varnosti v praksi te kršitve težko naslavlja. Naloga pokaže tudi, kako specializirano znanje posameznih institucij vpliva na diskurz držav v teh institucijah ter da pojmovanje varnosti v posameznih institucijah ni statično, temveč rezultat nenehnih (re)interpretacij. ; Changes in the international community after the end of the Cold War have led international institutions working in the field of peace and security to face new challenges that have highlighted the disadvantage of existing norms, mechanisms and conceptual apparatus for addressing new security threats. International institutions are struggling to deal with modern security threats, including ethnic conflicts, while the process of identifying security threats is complex. The master's thesis examines how the concept of security of international institutions influences the management of (ethnic) conflicts through a study of the functioning of the Security Council and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe in the Ukrainian conflict. Thesis demonstrates that modern concept surpasses the perception of the state as the only relevant referent object of security and that security is an intersubjective category that raises the issue of the process of identifying (new) security threats. As a consequence the concept of security affects the discourse and the functioning of the actors. In the case of the Security Council, we can see that Member States are aware of the importance of the established practice, which stems from the concept of security of the institution, and its impact on decision-making in the Security Council. Despite the recognition of violations of certain elements of security in practice, the OSCE has difficulty addressing this violation. The thesis also shows how the specialized knowledge of individual institutions influences the discourse of states in these institutions, and that the concept of security in individual institutions is not static, but the result of continuous (re)interpretations.

Vsi ljudje se pogajamo, pa naj bo to na zavedni ali nezavedni ravni. Pogajati se začnemo že kot otroci. Takrat so najpogostejše teme pogajanj o tem, kaj bomo jedli, oblekli, kam bomo šli, kaj bomo naredili in kaj ne. Kot najstniki se s starši zopet pogajamo na primer o tem, kako dolgo bomo lahko ostali zunaj. Kadar se udeležimo kakšnih tržnic, sejmov, imamo prav tako možnost, da se na primer pogajamo o nižji ceni. S pogajanji se srečujemo na vsakem koraku. Nekateri pogosteje, drugi malo manj. Pogajamo se lahko v prostem času ali v službi. Nekateri se s pogajanji ukvarjajo poklicno. To najpogosteje zasledimo v poslovnem svetu. Da dosežemo uspešen izid pogajanj, moramo imeti o tem nekaj znanja. Zelo dobro moramo poznati vse stopnje pogajanj in vedeti, kaj moramo znotraj posamezne stopnje storiti. Ker imajo pogajalci sami velik vpliv na končni izid pogajanj, je potrebno vedeti, kako se med pogajanji obnašati in kakšne lastnosti, osebnostne značilnosti naj imajo pogajalci. V primeru, da se soočamo z mednarodnimi pogajanji, je potrebno podrobno proučiti in poznati kulturo nasprotne strani. V tem magistrskem delu, ki je sestavljen iz dveh delov, se bom osredotočila predvsem na poslovna pogajanja na Češkem. Prvi del je teoretičen, drugi del pa empiričen, kamor bom vključila intervju, ki ga bom izvedla z zaposlenim v podjetju TAB d.d. ; All human beings are negotiating, whether it is on the conscious or unconscious level. Negotiating begins already in the childhood. At that time, the most common subjects of negotiation are about what we eat, wear, where to go, what to do and not to do. Teenagers negotiate with their parents again, for example, about how long they can stay out. When we attend some markets, fairs, we also have the opportunity to, for example, negotiate for a lower price. We are faced with negotiating at every turn. Some people more frequently, the others slightly less. Negotiating can take place in the leisure time or at work. Some people are professionally engaged in negotiations, which is most commonly the case in the business world. To achieve a successful outcome of negotiations, we need to have some knowledge about negotiating. We must be very familiar with all stages of the negotiations and know what we need to do within each stage. As negotiators themselves have a big influence on the final outcome of the negotiations, it is necessary to know how to behave during negotiations and what qualities, personality characteristics negotiators ought to have. In the event that we are faced with international negotiations, it is necessary to examine in detail and know the culture of the other side. In this thesis, which consists of two parts, I will focus primarily on commercial negotiations in the Czech Republic. The first part is theoretical, while the second part is empirical, which will include an interview I have conducted with the employees of the company TAB d.d.

The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; Članek je utemeljen na raziskavah ameriških predsedniških volitev leta 2016, ki so postale simbol postresničnostnega obdobja. Predstavlja pregled literature na temo volitev in pomaga razumeti vpliv, ki ga je računalniška propaganda imela na izid volitev in obnašanje volivcev. Članek se začne z definicijo postresničnostne družbe in z njo povezanih konceptov, kot so lažne novice in računalniška propaganda. Poglobi se v spremembe, ki jih je politična komunikacija doživela v digitalnem okolju, in analizira vlogo socialnih medijev v volitvah leta 2016. Prouči tudi spremljajoče pojave postresničnostne družbe, kot sta banalnost politike in izguba kredibilnosti političnih akterjev. Po pregledu literature se zdi, da so socialni mediji sicer postali pomemben dejavnik na političnem odru, vendar zaenkrat še niso prevladujoč vir političnih informacij ali vpliva na obnašanje volivcev. Članek prinaša dva pomembna prispevka: s pomočjo koncepta postresničnostne družbe analizira vlogo računalniške propagande v predsedniških volitvah 2016, obenem pa skuša razložiti paradoks splošne politične apatije na eni strani in povečanega političnega aktivizma na drugi. Da bi bili pri soočanju z omenjenimi izzivi uspešni, jih moramo najprej prepoznati in razumeti.

Somaltex / Praxy Fernandes -- Jowhar Sugar Factory / Ales Vahčič -- The cigarette and match factory / Vladimir Kreačić -- The Foundry and Mechanical Workshop / Zia Uddin Ahmed -- Cyprus Telecommunications Authority / Ales Vahčič ... [et al.] -- The Electricity Authority of Cyprus / Praxy Fernandes, Costakis Panayiotou and John Charalambides -- Air Jamaica / Praxy Fernandes and Marie Slyfield -- Jamaica Railway Corporation / Vladimir Kreačić and Phyllis Green

Magistrsko delo obravnava povezavo med volilno udeležbo in informiranostjo volivcev. Ta je eden od številnih dejavnikov, ki lahko vpliva na to, ali se bo volivec udeležil volitev. Povezavo sem ugotavljala s študijo primera v dveh časovnih točkah: primerjala sem institucionalno kampanjo Evropskega parlamenta pred evropskimi volitvami leta 2014 in institucionalno kampanjo Evropskega parlamenta Tokrat grem volit pred evropskimi volitvami leta 2019 na primeru Slovenije. Za volitve v Evropski parlament je značilno padanje povprečja volilne udeležbe. Od prvih leta 1979 se je v državah članicah Evropske unije z 61,9 % zmanjšalo na 42,6 % v letu 2014, ko je bilo najnižje. Na evropskih volitvah 2019 se je trend padanja povprečja volilne udeležbe v EU prvič zaustavil in se dvignil na 50,6 %. V Sloveniji se je evropskih volitev 2019 udeležilo 28,9 % volilnih upravičencev, kar je v primerjavi z evropskimi volitvami leta 2014 za 4,4 odstotne točke več in hkrati največ od vključitve v EU. Ugotovila sem, da lahko dvig volilne udeležbe pripišemo tudi volilni kampanji Pisarne Evropskega parlamenta v Ljubljani, ki je bila v primerjavi s prejšnjimi prvič jasno določena ; predvsem skupine nagovarjanja volivcev in sporočilo kampanje ; organizirali so tudi bistveno več aktivnosti za volivce in intenzivno sodelovali z raznovrstnimi mediji. Toda glavne hipoteze magistrskega dela, da pomeni večji obseg aktivnosti tudi večjo informiranost volivcev in posledično višjo volilno udeležbo, na podlagi javnomnenjskih anket nisem mogla potrditi. Volilna udeležba je namreč odvisna od množice izjemno kompleksnih in med seboj prepletenih dejavnikov. ; The master's thesis discusses the connection between the turnout of voters and the voters' awareness. The latter is one of the numerous factors which can influence whether the voter will participate in the elections or not. I was ascertaining the connection with the case study in two points of time: I compared the institutional campaign of the European Parliament before European elections in 2014 and the This Time I'm Voting institutional campaign of the European Parliament before the European elections in 2019 on the case of Slovenia. A decline in the average of the turnout of voters is characteristic of the elections in the European Parliament. Since the first elections in 1979, the turnout of voters has reduced in the member states of the European Union from 61.9% to 42.6% in 2014 when it was the lowest. The decline in the average of the turnout of voters was stopped in 2019 and raised it to 50.6%. In Slovenia, 28.9% of eligible voters participated in the European elections in 2019 which is 4.4 percentage points more in comparison to the European elections in 2014 and the most since the joining to the EU at the same time. I ascertained that the raise of the turnout of voters can be attributed also to communication campaign of the European Parliament Liaison Office in Ljubljana, which was determined in the comparison with the previous ones for the first time clearly, above all the groups of addressing the voters and the message of the campaign. They also organized essentially more activities for the voters and cooperated intensively with different media. However, I could not confirm the main hypothesis of the master's thesis that a bigger scope of activities means bigger voters' awareness and, consequently, a higher turnout of voters. Namely, the turnout of voters depends on many exceptionally complex and intertwined factors.