Semipresidentialism in Central and Eastern Europe
In: Politicka misao, Band 45, Heft 3-4, S. 286-290
In: Politicka misao, Band 45, Heft 3-4, S. 286-290
Svrha ovog rada je analizirati strukturalne i produktivne promjene zemalja srednje i istočne Europe (CEE). Razdoblje istraživanja obuhvaća godine nakon pristupanja Europskoj uniji, od 2004. do 2018. godine. Ova studija želi odgovoriti na sljedeće pitanje: Koji su učinci rezultat integracije s Europskom unijom u području produktivnosti? Analiza pokriva dvije glavne kategorije rasta produktivnosti rada: čisti rast produktivnosti rada i strukturalni rast produktivnosti rada. Nadalje, ispituju se čimbenici koji mogu utjecati na čiste i strukturne promjene produktivnosti. Glavne metode istraživanja primijenjene u ovom radu su analiza pomaka udjela i metode panel podataka. Analiza pokazuje da su se u promatranom razdoblju sve zemlje središnje i istočne Europe poboljšale i u smislu čiste i strukturalne produktivnosti. Međutim, utjecaj čiste produktivnosti rada bio je znatno manji od utjecaja strukturalne produktivnosti rada; to znači da se glavna promjena na razini produktivnosti više može pripisati promjenama u zapošljavanju između sektora, nego li modernizaciji tehnoloških procesa. Produktivnost se povećala u svim sektorima, ali najznačajniji rast dogodio se u uslužnim sektorima, posebno u financijskim i osiguravajućim djelatnostima i nekretninama. Istodobno, smanjila se zaposlenost u manje produktivnim sektorima, poput poljoprivrede, šumarstva i ribarstva. Nadalje, rezultati analize panel podataka potvrđuju značajan utjecaj procijenjenih faktora na čisti i strukturalni rast produktivnosti. Stoga, ukupna promjena produktivnosti na području Srednje i Istočne Europe može imati pozitivan utjecaj na oba oblika rasta produktivnosti. I strukturalni i čisti rast produktivnosti potiču ulaganje u istraživanje i razvoj, uvoz roba informacijske i komunikacijske tehnologije (IKT) i otvorenost trgovine. Nadalje, ovo istraživanje potvrđuje pozitivan utjecaj koje ima povećanje ulaganja u istraživanje i razvoj poslovnih poduzeća i porast broja istraživača na omjer radne snage na produktivnost sektora, iako postoje bitne razlike između sektora. Ovo istraživanje mogu koristiti vladine agencije u izradi politika industrijskog razvoja. ; The purpose of this paper is to analyse the structural and productivity changes of Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries. The research period covers the years following accession into the European Union, from 2004 until 2018. This study aims to answer the following question: What effects have resulted from the integration with the European Union in terms of the sphere of productivity? The analysis covers two main categories of labour productivity growth: pure labour productivity growth and structural labour productivity growth. Moreover, factors that may affect both pure and structural productivity changes are examined. The main research techniques are shift-share analysis and panel data methods. The analysis shows that all the CEE countries in the studied period improved in terms of both pure and structural productivity. The impact of pure labour productivity, however, was much smaller than that of structural labour productivity; this means that the main change in productivity level was more attributable to changes in employment between sectors than to the modernisation of technological processes. Productivity increased in all sectors, but the most significant growth occurred in service sectors, specifically in financial and insurance activities and real estate activities. Simultaneously, employment decreased in less productive sectors, such as agriculture, forestry, and fishing. Furthermore, the results of the panel data analysis confirm a significant impact of the evaluated factors on pure and structural productivity growth. Thus, aggregate productivity change in the CEE area can have a positive impact on both forms of productivity growth. Both structural and pure productivity growth are stimulated by research and development expenditures, information and communication technology (ICT) goods imports, and trade openness. Moreover, this research confirms the positive impacts of business enterprise research and development expenditure growth and an increase in the number of researchers to the workforce ratio on sector productivity, although there are substantial differences between sectors. This research can be used by government agencies in establishing industrial development policies.
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Autor polemizira s nekoć utjecajnim teorijama transformacije – najistaknutiji predstavnici kojih su Jon Elster i Claus Off e – koje su se temeljile na teoremu o tome kako je nemoguća istodobna uspješna privredna i politička – a negdje i državna – transformacija u Istočnoj Europi. Suprotno tim teorijama, u većini postkomunističkih država Istočne Europe demokracija se konsolidirala brzo. Tu postavku autor dokazuje mjereći konsolidiranost novih demokracija Bertelsmannovim indeksom transformacije (BTI) na četiri razine: na ustavnoj i predstavničkoj razini, te na razinama ponašanja aktera i političke kulture. Promašaje u analizi transformacijskih procesa pripisuje teorijama djelovanja koje su "tranzicijsku paradigmu" iz Južne Europe i Latinske Amerike naprosto presadile u Istočnu Europu. Teorije aktera su, pak, nastojale krajnje kompleksne promjene sustava u toj regiji izvesti iz vrlo formaliziranih i pojednostavnjenih konstelacija aktera, zanemarujući vrlo različite demokratizacijske potencijale pojedinih zemalja. U "teorijskom mraku" tako su ostale tri varijable – modernost, državnost i vanjski akteri – koje teorije modernizacije, teorije sustava i strukturalističke teorije stavljaju u središte svojih razmatranja, a koje su se pokazale iznimno važnima za razumijevanje transformacijskih procesa u Istočnoj Europi. ; The author polemises with once infl uential theories of transformation – whose greats are Jon Elster and Claus Off e – which were based on the theorem that a simultaneous successful economic and political – and, somewhere, state – transformation in Eastern Europe is not possible. Contrary to these theories, in most post-communist countries of Eastern Europe democracy has consolidated rather quickly. The author demonstrates this proposition by measuring the consolidation of new democracies according to Bertelsmann's transformation index (BTI) at four levels: the constitutional and representative level, and the levels of behaviour of actors and political culture. Failures in the analysis of transformation ...
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In: Politicka misao, Band 36, Heft 1, S. 258-260
Politika ruralnog razvoja za svoj glavni cilj ima poboljšanje životnog standarda ljudi koji žive u ruralnim područjima. Ulaskom u Europsku uniju, sve zemlje dobivaju mogućnost korištenja sredstava koje EPFRR (Europskog poljoprivrednog fonda za ruralni razvoj). Cilj ovog rada je prikazati iskoristivost EPFRR-a za zemlje srednje i istočne Europe u razdoblju od 2014. do 2020. godine. Sam cilj EFRR je smanjiti gospodarske razlike između regije kroz razvoj poljoprivrede. Mjere EPFRR odnose se na investiranje u poljoprivredne aktivnosti, potpore slabije razvijenim područjima, u ljudske resurse, zaštitu okoliša i slično. A te mjere još su upotpunjene mjerama za šumarstvo, te mjerama promocije razvoja ruralnih područja. To je napravljeno kroz analizu dokumenata Europske unije, ponajviše ključnih odluka i planova. U radu su dati primjeri na zemljama srednje i istočne Europe, s detaljnijim pregledom iskoristivosti EPFRR u Republici Hrvatskoj, kao i Estoniji, Rumunjskoj i Poljskoj. Kroz komparativnu analizu odabranih zemalja Europske unije prikazuju se korištena sredstava EPFRR-a te i prikaz same poljoprivrede tih zemalja i njihovo pozicioniranje u Europskoj uniji. ; Rural development as its main objective has to improve the living standards of people living in rural areas. By joining the European Union, all countries, together with Croatia, get the opportunity to use the funds that are offered. One of the options which got available is the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development (EAFRD). The aim of this pape is to demonstrate the usefulness of EAFRD for the countries of Central and Eastern Europe in the period from 2014 to 2020. The Fund's goal is to reduce economic disparities between the regions through agricultural development. The EAFRD measures themselves relate to investment in agricultural activities, support for less developed areas, human resources, environmental protection and the like. And these measures are further complemented by measures for forestry, and measures to promote the development of rural ...
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Politika ruralnog razvoja za svoj glavni cilj ima poboljšanje životnog standarda ljudi koji žive u ruralnim područjima. Ulaskom u Europsku uniju, sve zemlje dobivaju mogućnost korištenja sredstava koje EPFRR (Europskog poljoprivrednog fonda za ruralni razvoj). Cilj ovog rada je prikazati iskoristivost EPFRR-a za zemlje srednje i istočne Europe u razdoblju od 2014. do 2020. godine. Sam cilj EFRR je smanjiti gospodarske razlike između regije kroz razvoj poljoprivrede. Mjere EPFRR odnose se na investiranje u poljoprivredne aktivnosti, potpore slabije razvijenim područjima, u ljudske resurse, zaštitu okoliša i slično. A te mjere još su upotpunjene mjerama za šumarstvo, te mjerama promocije razvoja ruralnih područja. To je napravljeno kroz analizu dokumenata Europske unije, ponajviše ključnih odluka i planova. U radu su dati primjeri na zemljama srednje i istočne Europe, s detaljnijim pregledom iskoristivosti EPFRR u Republici Hrvatskoj, kao i Estoniji, Rumunjskoj i Poljskoj. Kroz komparativnu analizu odabranih zemalja Europske unije prikazuju se korištena sredstava EPFRR-a te i prikaz same poljoprivrede tih zemalja i njihovo pozicioniranje u Europskoj uniji. ; Rural development as its main objective has to improve the living standards of people living in rural areas. By joining the European Union, all countries, together with Croatia, get the opportunity to use the funds that are offered. One of the options which got available is the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development (EAFRD). The aim of this pape is to demonstrate the usefulness of EAFRD for the countries of Central and Eastern Europe in the period from 2014 to 2020. The Fund's goal is to reduce economic disparities between the regions through agricultural development. The EAFRD measures themselves relate to investment in agricultural activities, support for less developed areas, human resources, environmental protection and the like. And these measures are further complemented by measures for forestry, and measures to promote the development of rural areas. This will be done through an analysis of EU documents, highlighting key decisions and plans. Furthermore, this document will attempt to provide a comparative analysis of the researched countries of the European Union, which is an analysis of how much EAFRD is used and how this has affected the development of their rural economic sector, with a more detailed overview of the use of the EAFRD in the Republic of Croatia, as well as Estonia, Romania and Poland.Through a comparative analysis of selected countries of the European Union, the used EAFRD funds are presented, as well as an overview of the agriculture of those countries and their positioning in the European Union.
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In: Politicka misao, Band 37, Heft 2, S. 208-211
The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one. ; The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.
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The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one. ; The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.
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In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 4, Heft 2, S. 126-128
ISSN: 1332-4756
In: Politicka misao, Band 31, Heft 4, S. 169-173
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 4, Heft 3-4, S. 215-216
ISSN: 1332-4756
In: Politicka misao, Band 30, Heft 3, S. 194-198
U radu se prikazuju načela djelovanja Ujedinjenih naroda i nastanak Poveljom nepredviđenih mehanizama – mirovnih operacija. Posebno se razmatraju njihove posebnosti i etapni razvoj. Područje jugoistočne Europe različito se zemljopisno, povijesno i geostrateški omeđuje, ali je u ovome članku zaokruženo na područje bivše Jugoslavije. U radu se analiziraju mehanizmi i problemi pokretanja mirovnih operacija i kriteriji prema kojima se ocjenjuje njihova uspješnost. Također se ističu problemi zakašnjele percepcije sukoba u bivšoj Jugoslaviji. Ovdje se također pokušava doći do odgovora na pitanje je li tradicionalno očuvanje mira bilo dio odabira pogrješne strategije uključivanja UN-a. ; The paper shows principle of the United Nations activities and establishment of mechanisms unforeseen by the Charter – peacekeeping operations. Their particularities and stage development are especially analyzed. Area of South-East Europe is geographically, historically and geostrategically bordered in different ways, but in this paper it is limited to area of former Yugoslavia. The paper analyzes mechanisms and problems of initiating peacekeeping operations and criteria in accordance to which their successfulness is rated. Problems of late perception of conflicts in former Yugoslavia are also pointed out. It has been also tried to find the answer if the traditional peacekeeping was a part of choosing the wrong strategy of UN involvement.
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Prijetnja koja dotiče sadašnju Srednju Europu vezana je uz dvije skupine uzroka. Kao prvo, s politikom Rusije koja traži novo mjesto za sebe na globalnoj razini. Kao drugo, s krizom unutar same Unije, koja se većinom tiče zemalja Srednje Europe kao najmlađeg njezinog člana i onoga koji nosi postkomunistički teret. Geostrateški, ideološki i kulturološki aspekti povezani s prethodno spomenutim kompleksima prijetnje bit će predmet izlaganja na konferenciji. ; The threat that Central Europe faces nowadays is connected with two sets of causes. The first cause is Russian politics that attempts to establish a new position on a global level. And the second is the crisis within the Union, which has mainly affected Central European countries, their youngest members that still bear the post-communist burden. The paper focuses on geostrategic, ideological and cultural aspects regarding the abovementioned complex threat.
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