Suchergebnisse

Abstract. The article presents data on the social characteristics of first sexual intercourse (FSI) among secondary school students in Slovenia, collected as part of the research project "Sexuality of Secondary School Students in Slovenia". The results show that for most respondents their FSI was a planned event occurring within an intimate partnership. Protective measures are used to a considerable extent. There are statistically significant gender differences in the majority of the results. The data show responsible behaviour during the FSI, although a share of the respondents is exposed to sexually transmitted infections (STIs). The data may be used for policy decision-makers, especially in terms of sex education and addressing the STI issue.
Keywords: first sexual intercourse, age, secondary
school students, sexually transmitted infections, pregnancy

Abstract. The objective of the article was to evaluate
the relationship between the Covid-19 pandemic and
globalisation (GLO) and de-globalisation (de-GLO) tendencies.
Based on a theoretical evaluation of this relationship
as well as historical development, it concludes
that Covid-19 is not the mother of de-GLO but its child,
born in a completely new global context facilitating the
pandemic. The roots of the pandemic's conception are
more deeply embedded in the capitalist system, in its
principal elements (market system, consumerist development
model…). GLO as a global division of labour is
not over; the factors enhancing GLO are winning over
those slowing it down, provided that GLO becomes more
egalitarian and more human. A fully-fledged de-GLO
would be inefficient and painful. While the pandemic
is not a black swan, it could have been predicted. Such
an unprecedented crisis impersonated by the pandemic
also offers an opportunity to fundamentally rethink of
our theories, way of life and development paradigm
and, not the least, the whole system to be better prepared
for future similar crises.
Keywords: Globalisation, de-globalisation, Covid-19,
development model, anthropocentrism, system, history
of GLO, future of GLO, post pandemic

Cepljenje otrok je v Sloveniji po zakonu obvezno in starši nimajo možnosti za svobodno odločitev glede tega. Področje obveznega cepljenja po teoriji Foucaulta spada v biopolitično oblast s primesmi disciplinarne oblasti. Ta vrsta oblasti ima nadzor nad vsemi biološkimi procesi, kot so razploditev, rodnost in smrtnost, nivo zdravja, trajanje življenja, dolgoživost, hkrati pa vrši tudi nadzor nad vsemi pogoji, ki na te procese vplivajo. Gre za celoten sistem intervencij in urejevalnih kontrol, biopolitika populacije. To je oblast vzpodbujanja, usmerjanja, reguliranja in nadzora, preko katere se upravlja telesa in življenja. Šole, vojašnice, zapori, psihiatrične institucije so se razvili kot instrumenti regulacije populacije, prav tako pa med te instrumente spadata javno zdravstvo in obvezno cepljenje, ki omogočata podvrženje teles in nadzor populacije. Obvezno cepljenje je v zahodnem delu Evrope večinoma prostovoljno, medtem ko v Sloveniji in državah južne in vzhodne evrope vlada obvezno cepljenje. V primeru neupoštevanja zakona o obveznem cepljenju so starši v prekršku, zaradi česar je zagrožena denarna globa. ; In Slovenia immunisation of children is mandatory by law and parents do not have the freedom to make the decisions regarding it. In Foucault's theory compulsory immunisaton falls under the biopolitical power with elements of the disciplinary authority. This type of authority has power over all human biological processes, such as procreation, fertility and mortality, level of health, length of life, and longevity, while at the same time posessing the power of control over all the conditions, that influence these processes. This is a complete system of interventions and regulatory controls, the biopolitics of the population. This is the authority of encouragement, guidance, regulation and control, through which bodies and lives are managed. Schools, barracks, prisons, psychiatric institutions have been developed as instruments of population regulation as well as public healthcare and mandatory vaccinations, which enable subjection of bodies and population control. In western European coutries vaccination is mostly voluntary, while in Slovenia and other southern and eastern European countries immunisation is mandatory. Failure to comply with the law is a misdemeanor with the threat of a monetary fine.

In order to achieve goals and wishes regarding one's own psychophysical wellbeing, humans use different strategies of emotional balancing. One of these is also the use of psychoactive substances (hereinafter PAS). In case of individual's common use of PAS, dependency can develop where individual's various brain mechanisms and functions, which are essential in balancing affect conditions, can be altered. The concept of alexithymia, which is characteristic for addicts, includes deficits in the cognitive-experiential domain of emotional responses and on the level of interpersonal regulation of emotions. Incapable of distinctly recognizing their own subjective feelings, the addicts communicate their own emotional distress to other people very unsatisfactory. Consequentially, they cannot obtain others as sources of help or comfort. The master's thesis tries to answer the research question whether the persons being treated for the dependency of PAS are different from the persons who are not treated for the dependency of PAS, i.e. in the field of the painful affects regulation, on the level of the risk of the abuse of PAS, and on the level of alexithymia. The master's thesis is divided into three theoretical chapters, which represent the concept of regulation of the positive and negative affect, the collection and the efficiency of various affect regulation strategies. The master's thesis represents various PAS and also the syndrome of dependency of PAS as well as emotions in the addicts. The methodology of research, the results, and the discussion on the acquired results are presented in the empirical part. The results of the research showed statistically significant differences between the groups on the level of the risk of the abuse of PAS, on the level of alexithymia, and in painful affects regulation strategies. The master's thesis contributes to better understanding of the role of the affective dis/regulation in persons treated for the dependency of PAS. It presents inner, personal factors which contributed to the emergence of the dependency. It shows the importance and the role of emotional regulation in the process of treating persons addicted to PAS. ; In order to achieve goals and wishes regarding one's own psychophysical wellbeing, humans use different strategies of emotional balancing. One of these is also the use of psychoactive substances (hereinafter PAS). In case of individual's common use of PAS, dependency can develop where individual's various brain mechanisms and functions, which are essential in balancing affect conditions, can be altered. The concept of alexithymia, which is characteristic for addicts, includes deficits in the cognitive-experiential domain of emotional responses and on the level of interpersonal regulation of emotions. Incapable of distinctly recognizing their own subjective feelings, the addicts communicate their own emotional distress to other people very unsatisfactory. Consequentially, they cannot obtain others as sources of help or comfort. The master's thesis tries to answer the research question whether the persons being treated for the dependency of PAS are different from the persons who are not treated for the dependency of PAS, i.e. in the field of the painful affects regulation, on the level of the risk of the abuse of PAS, and on the level of alexithymia. The master's thesis is divided into three theoretical chapters, which represent the concept of regulation of the positive and negative affect, the collection and the efficiency of various affect regulation strategies. The master's thesis represents various PAS and also the syndrome of dependency of PAS as well as emotions in the addicts. The methodology of research, the results, and the discussion on the acquired results are presented in the empirical part. The results of the research showed statistically significant differences between the groups on the level of the risk of the abuse of PAS, on the level of alexithymia, and in painful affects regulation strategies. The master's thesis contributes to better understanding of the role of the affective dis/regulation in persons treated for the dependency of PAS. It presents inner, personal factors which contributed to the emergence of the dependency. It shows the importance and the role of emotional regulation in the process of treating persons addicted to PAS.

The monograph deals with identities in Slovenia at the time of current breaks and turbulences. The first part of the monograph addresses the majority identities; first, European identity at the time of the rise of nationalism, and then Slovenian national identity in the context of the economic crisis and new populist policies in Europe and beyond. In the second part, the authors deal with minority identities - from religious and ethnic to sexual - that place them in the time span from Slovenia's accession to the EU until the time of the economic crisis, the rise of populism and neoconservative policies. In the third section, minority identities are placed in the context of culture, which is one of the important elements of identity construction and preservation.--Publisher's website

Abstract. The aim of this article to identify and highlight limitations and challenges of the legal regulation of the use of facial recognition technology for surveillance purposes. The UN and the EU are seeking to develop robust human rights safeguards to regulate such practices, whereas civil society calls for a complete ban on it use for mass surveillance. The type of this technology makes it difficult to impose legal and democratic control over its lawful use and to prevent abuse. We conclude that the regulation of this area, no matter how restrictive, amounts to tacit approval of the mass use of this type of technology that opens the door to various ways of abusing human rights and freedoms, and whose justification from the perspective of the public interest is questionable.
Keywords: video surveillance, facial recognition technology, right to privacy, protection of personal data, Clearview AI

Paragraphs in the Slovene constitution, decisions by the Constitutional Court, & local self-government statutes are examined to determine if there is an inherent conflict of interest when mayors of municipalities are also elected & serve as representatives to this country's national assembly. Comparative references are made to other European countries, mostly France, where a similar performance of parliamentary & mayoral functions by the same person is permitted under certain conditions. After analyzing the conflicting scenarios in which the parliamentarian mandate influence the mayoral one, & vice versa, & recognizing the unusually high incidence of dual-mandate cases in Slovenia, a relatively small country, constitutional & legislative actions are suggested to remedy the current situation & minimize the incompatibility of functions & duties at state & local levels. The triple mandate of deputy mayors in Slovenia is also examined, pointing out his/her burden & responsibility in performing duties of mayor & local council & national assembly member. It is concluded that although neither unconstitutional nor unlawful, dual & triple mandates are potentially harmful to democracy, open doors to political corruption & abuse of power, & pose a danger of further damaging the image of an honest politician. Adapted from the source document.

The narrative hero Peter Klepec is known (and laid claim to) by the inhabitants of the Čabranka-Osilnica valley, the border area on the Croatian and Slovenian side of the border. There circulate a number of quite similar stories about him, in which a frail illegitimate child Peter becomes a strong man, whose supernatural powers help the needy and drive the enemies from these regions. This paper shows the changing role and diversity of interpretations of myth in time and space using the example of folk and literary hero Peter Klepec. It focuses on the historical changes in the perception of Peter Klepec: namely, on his (local) function at the time of the Hapsburg imperial policy, the process of his nationalisation and dilemmas that arose following the division of the Čabranka-Osilnica area, i.e., the originating area of the creation of the legend of the two countries (Croatia and Slovenia). It shows that Klepec was due to different historical circumstances and (interpretive) discourse used for different purposes. First, he served as a symbol of strength and survival in the Čabranka-Osilnica valley, and then as the Hapsburg myth that justified the existence of the monarchy facing the hostile Ottomans, and lastly as an allegory of a servile Slovene, who is always just a faithful bondsman to other masters (first under the Austro-Hungarians and then the European Union). ; Pripovednega junaka Petra Klepca poznajo (in si ga lastijo?) prebivalci Čabransko- osilniške doline, torej obmejnega območja na hrvaški in slovenski strani meje. O njem kroži več med seboj precej podobnih zgodb, v katerih šibek nezakonski otrok Peter postane silak, ki s svojo nadnaravno močjo pomaga pomoči potrebnim in iz krajev odganja sovražnike. Prispevek na primeru ljudskega in literarnega junaka Petra Klepca prikaže spreminjajočo se vlogo in različnost interpretacij mita v času in prostoru. Osredotoča se na zgodovinske spremembe v dojemanju Petra Klepca: na njegovo (lokalno) funkcijo v času imperialne politike Habsburžanov, na proces njegove nacionalizacije in dileme, ki so se pojavile ob delitvi Čabransko-osilniškega območja t.j. izvirnega območja nastanka legend med dve državi (Slovenijo in Hrvaško). Pokaže, da se je zaradi različnih zgodovinskih okoliščin in (interpretativnih) diskurzov Klepca uporabljalo v različne namene. Najprej je služil kot simbol moči in preživetja v Čabransko-osilniški dolini, nato kot habsburški mit, ki je opravičeval obstoj monarhije nasproti osmanskemu sovražniku in slednjič kot prispodoba hlapčevskega Slovenca, ki je vedno le vdan podložnik drugim gospodarjem (najprej Avstro-ogrski, nato Evropski uniji).

Zaradi vse večje dostopnosti digitalnih medijev začnejo otroci uporabljati internet z vse nižjo starostjo. Kljub številnim priložnostim prinaša internet tudi tveganja, ki so jim otroci in mladostniki izpostavljeni. Otroci lahko na internetu pridobijo tako pozitivno kot negativno izkušnjo, kar pa je odvisno od veliko faktorjev. Eden izmed pomembnejših je način, kako so otroci vodeni in nadzorovani. Zato imajo starši kot osebe, ki so otroku najbližji, pri tem zelo veliko vlogo. Cilj dela je preučiti metode, ki jih slovenski starši otrok, starih med 9 in 14 let, uporabljajo z namenom nadzorovanja otrokove uporabe interneta. V nalogi sem se še posebej osredotočila na aktiven in restriktiven tip posredovanja ter na osebne in sociodemografske dejavnike, ki vplivajo na ta dva tipa posredovanja: starševsko zaznavanje in uporaba interneta, izobrazba staršev in starost otroka. Rezultati spletne ankete (n = 93) so razkrili, da starost otroka in pogostost uporabe interneta pri starših vplivata na stopnjo obeh oblik starševskega posredovanja, medtem ko starševska stališča nimajo bistvenega vpliva na obliko posredovanja. Prav tako so rezultati razkrili povezavo med obliko posredovanja in izobrazbo staršev. So pa slovenski starši nekoliko bolj nagnjeni k uporabi restriktivne oblike posredovanja. Rezultati naloge so nam prikazali površinsko stanje uporabe tipov posredovanja slovenskih staršev in nam ponudili odlično izhodišče za nadaljnje raziskave. ; Due to increased accessibility of digital media, children are beginning to use the Internet at an increasingly young age. Despite there being a lot of opportunities online, there are also a lot of risks that children and adolescents are exposed to. Children can experience either positive and/or negative experiences online, all of which depends on many factors. One of the most important is the way children are managed and controlled by their parents. The aim of the thesis is to examine the methods used by Slovenian parents of children between the ages of 9 and 14 to mediate children's usage of the Internet. In my thesis, I focus especially on the active and restrictive types of mediation and the personal factors that influence these two types of mediation, namely parental perception and internet use, parental education, and the child's age. The results of an online survey (n = 93) reveal that the age of the child and the parent's usage of the internet influence both types of parental mediation, while parental attitudes towards the internet do not significantly influence the mediation. The results also reveal a link between the types of mediation and parental education. Slovenian parents are somewhat more inclined to use a restrictive form of mediation. The results of the thesis demonstrate that there is a threshold of the usage of these types of mediations among Slovenian parents, and it further provides us with an excellent starting point for further research.

Ko slišimo za pojem korupcija, takoj pomislimo na zlorabo javne službe za doseganje lastnih koristi. Posamezniki in podjetja podkupujejo administrativne uslužbence, da le-ti uredijo zadeve, ki morajo biti rešene. Gre torej za izsiljevanje rent od gospodarskih udeležencev in posledično od ekonomije same izključno za zasebne koristi politikov in uradnikov. Tovrsten pristop k obravnavanju pojava je v zadnjih letih začrtal popolnoma novo smer analiziranja in merjenja korupcije. Korupcija se predstavi v popolnoma novi podobi, v kateri posamezniki, skupine oziroma podjetja vplivajo na formulacijo zakonov, ali celo spreobračajo že oblikovana pravila igre, da bi si s tem zagotovili pomembne ugodnosti. Korupcija je in vedno bo obstajala v svetu, edina razlika je v tem, da se z razvojem družb spreminja, prevzema bolj prefinjene oblike, zaradi katerih jo je težje odkrivati in preprečevati. Vse bolj razsežne in destruktivne posledice, ki jih ima korupcija na gospodarsko rast in družbeno stabilnost, nujno zahtevajo praktične strategije omejevanja korupcije. Problem korupcije se ne omejuje na določeno regijo, kajti z njenimi grožnjami se ubadajo tako razvite države kot tudi države v razvoju in tranzitne države. V postsocialističnih državah so sočasni procesi razvijanja tržne ekonomije, oblikovanja novih političnih in socialnih institucij ter prerazporejanje družbene lastnine ustvarili rodna tla za pojav korupcije. Zaradi kompleksnosti fenomena in predvsem zaradi vse večjega zavedanja, da vzroki za prevzem države presegajo golo neučinkovitost in šibkost državne uprave, je potrebno za razumevanje in odpravljanje state capture razsvetliti problem širših strukturalnih povezav, kot so interna organizacija političnega sistema, odnosi in zveze med ključnimi državnimi institucijami, interakcije med podjetji in državo ter povezave med državo in civilno družbo. ; When we think about corruption, an image quickly comes to mind of abuse of public office for private gains. Individuals and firms are bribing bureaucrats to »get things done«. Behind this view lies an understanding of the state extracting rents from the economy for the exclusive benefit of politicians and bureaucrats. Such an aprroach has had a powerful impact on the way corruption has been analyzed and measured in recent years. Corruption has taken on a new image – that of individuals, groups, or firms manipulating policy formation and even shaping the emerging rules of the game to their own, very substantional advantage. Corruption has always existed across the world and it will never disappear, the difference is that has become more sophisticated and thus more difficult and costly to detect. With the increasing recognition across the globe of the damaging effects of corruption on economic growth and social stability, the demand for practical strategies to reduce corruption has grown dramatically. The problem is not confined to any particular region, and developed, developing and transition countries alike are confronting these challenges. In postcommunist states the simultaneous processes of developing a market economy, designing new political and social institutions and redistributing social assets have created fertile ground for corruption. With regard to complexity of phenomena and with increasing recognition that the roots of state capture extend far beyond weaknesses in the capacity of government, we need to be aware of factors underlying the persistence of corruption that is broader structural relationships, including the internal organization of the political system, relationships among core state institutions, the interactions between the state and firms, and the relationship between the sate and civil society.

Sub-Saharan Africa is a very diverse region with extensive natural wealth, great human potential, and a rich history. However, the majority of its countries are among the poorest in the world and about half of its 800 million inhabitants live in extreme poverty. Sub-Saharan Africa produces only 1.5% of the world's GDP and its share in world trade has fallen from 6% in 1980 to 2% today. The region's exports remain dominated by primary goods (fuels, ores, and agricultural products). The roots of the region's economic weakness lie variously in the past colonial relationships with European countries and in unjust global trade patterns as well as in misuse of power by ruling political elites in the post-independence era. Numerous civil wars and other conflicts have fragmented the sub-Saharan countries into many factions and parties fighting for domination. The region is lagging behind developed countries because of corruption, lack of infrastructure, weakness of its institutions, heavy indebtedness, lack of education and health services, and unfavorable natural conditions, among other factors. Subsistence agriculture is the source of livelihood for most Africans. Nevertheless, average yields per hectare are low and heavily dependent on climatic conditions. Compared to urban areas (except for slums), people living in rural areas have worse infrastructure and are further from achieving the UN's Millennium Development Goals. The recent increase in food prices is threatening the limited progress in reducing hunger and malnutrition (28% of children under age five are underweight and particularly vulnerable to infectious diseases). Little progress has been made in reducing child and maternal mortality; mortality rates remain the highest in the world. In the previous decade, life expectancy in sub-Saharan countries has fallen due to the spread of HIV/AIDS and it still remains below fifty. In addition, many negative socioeconomic effects are the result of malaria, which kills approximately one million people every year, 91% of whom live in sub-Saharan Africa. In order to promote gender equality and empower women, education is of vital importance. Compared to other (especially developed) regions, school enrollment rates are considerably lower and dropout rates considerably higher, particularly for girls. The majority of countries in subSaharan Africa will not be able to achieve their educational goals by 2015. Despite the fact that the region is not exceeding the carrying capacities of its environment (as measured by its ecological footprint), environmental problems in some areas are severe. Deforestation, desertification, coral bleaching, negative effects of climate changes (sea level rise, reduced freshwater availability, extreme weather events, etc.), loss of biodiversity, and soil degradation are the most worrying. Population growth is exacerbating these environmental problems and is making it more difficult to achieve a higher standard of living for all. Owing to the complexity of developmental problems, sub-Saharan Africa will have to use its own resources very wisely and make the most of development aid from developed countries.

Sistemi organizacije državne oblasti se razlikujejo po načinu delitve oblasti, organih, ki so nosilci te oblasti ter njihovih medsebojnih odnosih. Parlamentarni sistem, ki je uveljavljen tudi pri nas, temelji na načelu delitve oblasti. Organi državne oblasti med seboj sodelujejo, se nadzorujejo, med njimi pa je z namenom preprečitve zlorabe oblasti vzpostavljen sistem zavor in ravnovesij. V moderni demokraciji med strankami na volitvah vedno poteka tekma za čim višje število glasov, zmago na volitvah in prevzem oblasti. Zmagovalna večina se poveže ter oblikuje vlado, stranke, ki niso članice koalicijske večine, pa čakajo na svojo priložnost na naslednjih volitvah. Vendar mora biti njihov glas vseeno slišan, saj odločitve večine postanejo tudi odločitve manjšine, ki mora zato imeti možnost vpliva na sprejemanje odločitev, poleg tega je pomembna tudi možnost nadzora dela koalicijske večine in izvršilne veje oblasti, v ta namen pa ima opozicija na voljo različne instrumente nadzora. Opozicija ima možnost uporabe svojih sredstev na različnih področjih, v okviru zakonodajne, volilne ter nadzorne funkcije Državnega zbora. Nosilec izvršilne oblasti je v parlamentarnih sistemih vlada, ki je parlamentu odgovorna za svoje delo, brez njegove podpore pa ne more delovati. Parlament, znotraj njega zlasti tudi opozicija, ima na voljo več instrumentov nadzora nad delom vlade, najpomembnejši so poslansko vprašanje, interpelacija in konstruktivna nezaupnica. Nesoglasja med parlamentom in vlado lahko privedejo do politične krize, v končni posledici pa tudi do razpustitve parlamenta in novih volitev. Obstaja več različic parlamentarnega sistema, razlikujejo pa se po načinu oblikovanja, sestavi in delovanju vlade. Naša ureditev se zgleduje po nemškem modelu, pri čemer pa v smeri skupščinske ureditve od njega odstopa v nekaterih pomembnih elementih. Predvsem je tu mišljeno imenovanje ministrov s strani Državnega zbora ter s tem povezani instrumenti, ki povečujejo individualno odgovornost posameznih ministrov v razmerju do Državnega zbora, kar je neskladno z modernimi parlamentarnimi sistemi, ki poznajo predvsem kolektivno odgovornost vlade. Taka ureditev relativizira pomen instituta konstruktivne nezaupnice, ki smo ga sprejeli iz nemškega modela. Zaradi naše neučinkovite ureditve bi bile smiselne ustavne spremembe, kar je zaznal tudi Državni zbor, saj je skupina poslancev predlagala spremembo ustavnih določb, ki se nanašajo na oblikovanje Vlade, v odzivu na ta predlog pa je nastal še predlog Strokovne skupine, ki je predlog poslancev analizirala. Ta naloga obravnava predlagani spremembi Ustave, predlog poslancev in predlog Strokovne skupine, s poudarkom na učinke predlaganih sprememb na položaj opozicije. Poleg tega so v nalogi predstavljene tudi nekatere druge možne spremembe Ustave, ki se nanašajo na način oblikovanja Vlade. Vsak predlog spremembe Ustave našo veljavno ureditev približuje določeni podvrsti parlamentarnega sistema. Pred sprejetjem kakršnekoli spremembe Ustave je torej vredno razmisliti, kateri ureditvi se želimo približati in kakšen vpliv na našo trenutno ureditev bi imel sprejem določene spremembe Ustave. ; The systems of state authority differ in the way they separate powers, branches of power that are holders of the power and their relations. The parliamentary system, which is established also in Slovenia, is based on the principle of separation of powers. The branches of state authority collaborate with each other and control the work of one another. The system of checks and balances is set up to prevent the abuse of power. In the modern democracy there has always been a race to get as many votes as possible, win the elections and take over the power among parties in the elections. The majority that wins is united and forms the Government, while parties that are not members of the majority coalition wait for their opportunity in the next elections. However, their voice has to be heard, because the decisions of majority become the decisions of minority as well, that is why they have to have an impact on decision-making. Besides, the possibility of supervision over the part of the majority coalition and the executive branch is important, for this purpose the opposition has different instruments of supervision. The opposition has a possibility of the use of its means on various areas, within the legislative, electoral and supervisory functions of Parliament. The government, which answers to the parliament for its work, but without its support cannot work properly, is the holder of the executive body in the parliamentary systems. The Parliament, and within it, also in particular the opposition, has several instruments for controlling the work of the Government, the most important are parliamentary question, interpellation and constructive vote of no confidence. Disagreements between the Parliament and the Government can lead to the political crisis and ultimately to the dissolution of the Parliament and new elections. There are several variants of parliamentary system, they differ in the way of forming, structure and working of the Government. Our system follows the German model's example, but as far as assembly is concerned, it differs in some important elements. This mainly refers to the appointment of ministers coming from the National Assembly and instruments referring to it. These instruments are increasing individual responsibility of individual ministers in relation to the National Assembly and that is inconsistent with modern parliamentary systems which are familiar with collective responsibility of the Government in particular. Such system relativizes the meaning of the institute of constructive vote of no confidence which is based on the German's model. Constitutional changes would be logical due to our ineffective system, this was also noticed by our National Assembly. The group of members of the Parliament proposed a change for constitutional provisions which refer to the forming of the Government. In response to this proposal, the Professional group, which analysed the proposal of the members of the Parliament, formed another one. This master's thesis deals with the proposed change of the Government, the proposal of members of the Parliament and the proposal of the Professional group, with emphasis on the effects of proposed changes regarding the position of the opposition. The thesis also presents some of the other possible constitutional changes that refer to the way of forming the Government. Each proposal of the constitutional change brings about our valid system to get closer to the certain category of the parliamentary system. It is worth considering which system is better and what kind of effect would passing a certain constitutional change cause, before even considering constitutional changes of any kind.