By modernizing society, corruption is becoming the global problem and is considered to be the main cause of state dysfunction. Widespread in a large number of countries, embracing political and social life, corruption has become the everyday life of citizens convinced that without corruption there was no proper functioning of the society. Countries in transition, with an unstable political system, are the fundament for the development of corruption. The fight against corruption is long lasting and painful issue with an unknown outcome. The enjoyment of media attention, the commitment of the European Union and the United Nations, the establishment of anti-corruption organizations and agencies within states are mechanisms to combat this global problem. Anticorruption culture as a preventive mechanism prevents the existing and emergence of new forms of corruption. Effective preventive action requires careful and long-term planning to result in a better quality of life in the future.
This paper analyses the connection of interests and corruption, especially corruption and political interests. It first considers the notion of interest, i.e. its meanings and significance, both for an individual and for a society. It presents the classification if interests by Albion Woodbury Small. A special emphasis is given to the encounter of different interests as the beginning of clash between humans. The paper analyses individual, special and general interests, as well as their relations. The paper also analyses two levels of conflict of interest: the conflict between public and private interest and the conflict between interests within the public offices. The relation of interests in society and politics is solved in the best way by adopting laws, i.e. by introducing the rule of law into political order. Without that the interest orientation of politicians can easily end up in abuse and illegality. In turn, abuses and illegalities open the possibilities for various kinds of corruptive acts.
Interesovanje za teoriju i praksu rane intervencije u Srbiji je intenzivirano poslednjih desetak godina. U praksi su odavno zastupljeni različiti oblici rada sa decom sa smetnjama u razvoju ranog uzrasta, dok su teorijsko uobličavanje znanja i sistemski pristup ranoj intervenciji, sagledani kroz donošenje državnih odluka, uključivanje sadržaja iz ove oblasti u studijske programe fakulteta koji školuju defektologa, novijeg datuma. Cilj ovog rada je da ukaže na ključne promene i aktivnosti usmerene na razvoj nacionalnih sistema rane intervencije, s posebnim osvrtom na Srbiju. Od šest priotiteta sadržanih u dokumentu Poziv na akciju: Podrška razvoju dece u ranom detinjstvu koji je Vlada Srbije sačinila u saradnji sa UNICEFOM, a koji je zasnovan na Konvenciji o pravima deteta, Ciljevima održivog razvoja i najboljim interesima za svako dete posebno je značajan prvi podrška roditeljstvu. Izdvajanje ovog prioriteta bazirano je na činjenici da je podrška dobrobiti deteta jedan od najvažnijih ciljeva predškolskog vaspitanja i obrazovanja i da je ostvariv samo onda kada porodica može na adekvatan način da oblikuje sopstvene životne okolnosti. Osim toga takozvani model F-reči, utemeljen na odrednicama Međunarodne klasifikacije funkcionisanja, invalidnosti i zdravlja, vidi porodicu kao centralni "kontekstualni" činilac razvoja, koji ima najbolji potencijal za pružanje fizičke i emocionalne bezbednosti deteta i čija dobrobit treba da bude primarni cilj uključivanja u programe rane intervencije i obezbeđivanja usluga. Iako je rad sa porodicom, ključni činilic pozitivnih ishoda rane intervencije, dosadašnja praksa u ovom segmentu rada može da se opiše kao dugo putovanje od pristupa usmerenog na stručnjake koji donose odluke i sprovodi tretman, do pristupa u čijem fokusu je porodica Veštine uspostavljanja saradničkog odnosa su za stručnjake, koji prihvataju model usmeren na porodicu još uvek velik izazov, jer je neophodno da se uloga donosioca odluka, "prepisivača saveta", zameni ulogom partnera, slušaoca, pomagača i konsultanta. ; Interest in the theory and practice of early intervention in Serbia, has intensified in the last ten years. In practice, various forms of work with children with disabilities at an early age have long been represented, whereas theoretical shaping of knowledge and systematic approach to early intervention seen through state-decision making, inclusion of contents from this area in university programmes for educating defectologist, are of the more recent date. The aim of this paper is to point out the key changes and activities directed to development of national early intervention systems, with special reference to Serbia. Considering the six priorities contained in the document Call to Action: Support to children development in early childhood, created by Government of Serbia in cooperation with UNICEF, based on Convention on the rights of the child, Sustainable development goals and best interest for each child individually, the first one is especially important, parenting support. The selection of this priority is based on the fact that supporting the welfare of the child is one of the most important goals of preschool education and that it is achievable only in case when the family can adquately shape their own life circumstances. Besides, the so-called F-word model based on the International Classification of Functioning Disability and Health, recognizes the family as the central "contextual" factor, with best potential for providing physical and emotional security to the child, whose welfare should be the primary goal of inclusion in early intervention and service providing programmes. Although, the work with family is the key factor in positive outcomes of early intervention, current practice in this segment of work can be described as a long journey from and approach focused on decision-making and treatment professionals, to the family-oriented approach. Collaborative skills are still the great challenge for professionals who accept family-oriented model, as it is necessary to replace the role of decision-maker, "advice transcriber" with the role of partner, listener, assistant and consultant.
This article deals with problems of poverty in Croatian society. The introductory part points out the economic and political circumstances in which the poverty of a considerable number of citizens becomes an important social problem. In the next part, concepts of absolute, relative and subjective poverty are defined. This is followed by an overview of the results of research into the extent of absolute and relative poverty in Croatian society conducted from 1998 to 2009. The results show that the rate of relative poverty basically remained the same throughout the above-mentioned period. Furthermore, it is shown that the risk factors causing citizens' poverty are the following: low level of education, unemployment, low retirement pensions, old age, and large number of children in the family. The author concludes that the Croatian government neither developed nor carried out any systematic and efficient plan of fighting poverty in Croatian society. Adapted from the source document.
The article presents a critical overview of underlying ideas, social context, and original teachings of two "mediating ideologies" (social democracy and conservatism) and two mass "political phenomena" (nationalism and populism). Each of them constitutes a form of more or less effective political compromise, which ought to neutralize constant tensions and clashes between the leading modern ideologies of freedom and equality, i.e. liberalism and communism. However, the clash of ideologies which were prominent in the 19th and 20th centuries has lost much of its intensity today, although the social causes that gave rise to them have remained unchanged: social inequalities, abuse of freedom, and uneven distribution of social power. At the same time, the main social forces and political organizations that had been the symbols and striking forces of freedom and equality in the preceding decades - the political parties of the "left " and "right", including the never clearly defined "political center" - also lost their identity and power. Th e then political mortal enemies look and behave today almost exactly as they did then: in the ideological sense, "everyone wants everything" (allegedly representing/ defending the interests of "all citizens"); in the organizational sense, there is almost no difference between them; whereas the difference in the manner they behave when in power is almost negligible.
This dissertation treats the competence of Constitutional courts in settling the disputes of jurisdictional conflicts, both in theoretical and historical as well as practical, sense. It is common knowledge that the Constitutional court is the most efficient mechanism for protecting the constitutionally determined separation of power. The role of the Constitutional Court is especially significant with regard to the fact that the separation of power does not exclude the possibility of interweaving jurisdiction of different levels of state power. By settling disputes of jurisdictional conflicts, the Constitutional Court gains competence for the determination of clear boundaries of state power organs in terms of their constitutional authorisation. Given the fact that the jurisdictional conflict is mainly motivated by political agenda, the Constitutional Court must settle an originally political dispute by implementing the constitutional norms. The jurisdictional conflicts are a common competence of Constitutional courts. They are a direct representation of the government, or the constitutionally determined separation of power. A distinction between horizontal and vertical disputes can consequently be made. Various factors cause these disputes, including the following: state power, government, political parties system, level of democratic development, the level of precision of constitutional norms determining the boundaries of state power, etc. The constitutional disputes of jurisdictional conflicts should, however, be thought of in a broader sense as well. The Constitution commonly views these disputes as a separate jurisdiction of Constitutional courts. If the disputes of jurisdictional conflicts are regarded as a factual violation of constitutionally proclaimed separation of power, then the other constitutional disputes can be seen as an infringement of the power separation principle as well. In that way the Constitutional court indirectly settles a competence dispute while simultaneously carrying out normative control, its basic duty. Assuming that the separation of power is based on the idea of preventing the abuse of state power by guaranteeing the fundamental rights and freedoms, one can say that, while deciding on the protection of rights and freedoms proclaimed by the Constitution, the Constitutional court indirectly protects the power separation principle. The matter of jurisdictional conflicts can decided upon by the court when the court is asked to give an interpretation of the constitutional provisions. If the fact that this jurisdiction is a necessary consequence of federal division of the state is exempted, one can say that in the countries without federal division the settling of competence disputes, also represents a separate jurisdiction of Constitutional courts. The guiding principle for all the countries was the fact that the abuse of power or the realisation of its separation (or balance) can only be reached through the operating system of an independent and unbiased institution, as the Constitutional court itself is. An analysis of various countries' Constitutions and the practice of Constitutional courts in settling competence disputes has shown that Constitutional courts have made a significant contribution to the realisation of power separation, especially in the transitional processes of non-democratic regimes to democratic ones. Naturally the real effects of the constitutional jurisprudence depend on the political climate-the relationship between the political institutions and the one these have with the Constitutional court, as well as their willingness to abide by its decisions-and this is a fact one should not neglect.
The Republic of Serbia has introduced special circumstances for the determination of sentence for hate crime in the Criminal Code amended in December 2012. If a criminal offence is committed through hate based on race or religion, national or ethnic affiliation, sex, sexual orientation or gender identity of another, the court shall consider any aggravating factors except when it is not stipulated as a feature of the criminal offence. However, the State still neglects to consider mitigating factors. Moreover, it does not pay sufficient attention to eliminating verbal expressions of hatred and discrimination that often precede crimes motivated by hate. The paper discusses the possibility of improving education and coordinated activities of the State, particularly of courts, prosecutors, police and local self-governments, to combat hate speech and hate crimes. The aim of the paper is to present mechanisms of improving institutional capacities to prevent these phenomena that have been implemented within the project "Implementation of Anti-Discrimination Policies in Serbia" financed by the European Union. The paper concludes that central to the success of this process are the education of state actors, and the development of a value system based on equality and acceptance of diversity.
In recent years, the violation of the principles that guarantee the respect of democratic norms and institutions has placed Serbia into the category of deficient democracies, and more recently in hybrid regimes. Since the beginning of the transition, the implementation of political and economic reforms in Serbia has been characterized by frequent shifts of periods with modest progress in the field of political and economic transformation with periods of stagnation and even backsliding in regards to the important reform segments. The indicators of political and economic reforms point to the strengthening of extractive institutions. Extractive institutions protect the economic and political interests of privileged groups to the detriment of the rest of society. This leaves fewer resources available to stimulate economic growth and job creation, with negative countereffects on the regime legitimacy and trust, which are crucial for the implementation of economic reforms. Serbia's failure to provide stronger economic growth is largely caused by extractive institutions that determine the business environment. The development of extractive institutions is indicated by the absence of a more even distribution of political power, weaknesses in the mechanisms of checks and balances, deficiencies in the sphere of the rule of law, widespread corruption, problems in the sphere of protection of property rights. The transitional developments in Serbia can be regarded as a historical heritage that adapts to the current social environment and has a great impact on institutional performance and democratic consolidation. Prolonged exposure to extractive institutions creates a cumulative effect of institutional learning, where individuals become vulnerable to political abuse, dependent on the state and unwilling to use political mechanisms of government accountability, contributing to a vicious circle of extractive political and economic institutions. Identifying the mechanisms of such accumulation, which include prolonged exposure to extractive institutions, as well as the transmission of cultural patterns from older generations who have long experience with extractive institutions, is a complex research task.
Was Wesley Clark, NATO's commander-in-chief, right when he said that, instead of launching the operation 'Allied Force' against it, the allies shoul have electronically isolated SR Yugoslavia? Yugoslav hackers and crackers used to good advantage the freedom of the cyberspace. During NATO's intervention, they declared a real 'virtual war' to all the countries supportive of this campaign, particularly to the USA. By swooping down by all available means on numerous official web pages of various American institutions and totally abusing the communicational freedoms on the Net, Yugoslav hackers in fact demonstrated a small part of the possibilities of the new e-force. However, the deleterious consequences of Yugoslav on-line users' activities were so harmful that they prodded the international community into issuing a blunt warning to the Serbian Telecom - we shall switch you off from the Internet! The objective of this research is primarily to evidence a totally novel phenomenon on the Internet, the first organized virtual war taking place in the cyberspace, at the time when a real military campaign was waged against SRY. One of the outcomes of these activities was striking out' the documents from the Net that had been preserved only in this texts' authors' archive. There are no additional scientific resources, since the key sources for this article were the Internet and newspaper articles. Although envisaged as a medium available to all, the Internet must soon be safeguarded and protected by legal means. Otherwise, it might simply cave in under the onslaught of all abuses and innumerable viruses circulating the global cyberspace. Due to the increase in the number of users and services, it may be expected that soon a completely new branch of criminal law is to emerge - computer crime. (SOI : PM: S. 242)
Prema definiciji Interseks zajednice Severne Amerike, pojam interseks koristi se za osobe rođene sa hormonskim, hromozomskim ili anatomskim polnim obrascima koji ne odgovaraju društvenim i medicinskim očekivanjima muških ili ženskih polnih karakteristika. Između 0,05 i 1,7% stanovništva rađa se sa nekim od interseks stanja koji imaju veliki broj oblika. Standardna medicinska procedura postupanja sa interseksualnim licima podrazumeva postupak normalizacije pola, odnosno korektivne genitalne hirurške intervencije i horomonsku terapiju, sa ciljem da definiše polne organe u skladu sa jednim od dva priznata pola i odgovori na opresivne zahteve heteronormativnosti u kojoj je interseksualno telo devijacija od "normalne telesnosti". Rasprave o interseksualnosti posebno su aktualizovane na polju bioetike kroz radove E. Feder i A. Dreger. Uvidom u određeni broj teorijskih i empirijskih radova na temu interseksulanosti u oblasti obrazovanja, zaključujemo da je njihova zastupljenost zanemarljiva. Cilj rada bio je da se, pošavši od konceptualnog okvira kvir studija kao analitičkog modela koji locira i eksploatiše nekoherentnost hromozomskog pola, roda i seksualne želje, formulišu smernice za unapređivanje obrazovnog zakonodavstva i obrazovne prakse kojima se na bolji način reguliše status interseks dece i mladih. Osnovu za teorijsku analizu predstavljali su rezultati studije "Interseks – ka stvaranju intersekcionalne platforme" organizacije Geten LGBTIQA iz 2019. godine čiji se globalni zaključak tiče pravne nevidljivosti interseks lica u Srbiji koju prati patologizujući medicinski diskurs. Na osnovu naše možemo zaključiti da je neophodno unaprediti obrazovne politike i prakse koje prepoznajemo i kao ključne predlažemo: vidljivost interseksualnih lica u obrazovnoj legislaturi počevši od predškolskog obrazovanja, informisanje aktera školskog života o stanju interseksualnosti i njegovim varijacijama, prevencija nasilja i diskriminacije prema interseks deci i mladima, ohrabrivanje prava interseks dece i mladih na samoodređenje. Ističe se potreba za osmišljavanjem i sprovođenjem kvalitativnih pedagoških istraživanja intreseksualnosti iz dečje perspektive koja mogu destabilizovati normativni diskurs polnosti/telesnosti i depatologizovati interseksualnost. Inkorporiranost zahteva iz dokumenta Promišljanje obrazovanja: ka zajedničkom globalnom dobru (UNESCO, 2015) vidimo kao dobru startnu osnovu za građenje nacrta obrazovne politike koja se temelji na humanističkim nasuprot utilitarističkim vrednostima. ; According to definition of the Intersex Society of North America, the term intersex is used to refer to persons born with hormonal, chromosomal or anatomical gender patterns which do not correspond with social and medical concepts of male or female gender characteristics. Between 0.05% and 1.7% of the population is born with an intersex condition that may take numerous forms. The standard medical procedure for dealing with intersex persons involves the gender normalizing procedure, i.e. corrective genital surgery and hormone therapy whose aim is to define sexual organs according to one of the two recognized genders and respond to oppressive demands of heteronormativity in which intersex body is a deviation from a "normal corporeality". Discussions about intersexuality have been particularly topical in the field of bioethics through the works of E. Feder and A. Dreger. By examining a number of theoretical and empirical papers on intersexuality in the field of education, we conclude that their representation is meagre. The aim of the paper is, starting from the conceptual framework of queer studies as analytical model that locates and exploits the incoherence of chromosomal sex, gender and sexual desire, to formulate guidelines for improvement of education legislation and practice so as to regulate the status of intersex children and young people better. The starting point for theoretical analysis is the result of the 2019 Geten LGBTIQA study: "Intersex – Towards Building an Intersectional Platform" whose global conclusion concerns the legal invisibility of the intersex persons in Serbia, followed by pathologizing medical discourse. Upon our analysis, we can conclude that it is necessary to improve educational policies and practices. The key improvements we propose are the following: visibility of intersex persons in education legislation starting from the pre-school education, informing the participants of school life about the state of intersexuality and its variations, prevention of violence and discrimination against intersex children and youth, encouraging the right of intersex children and young people to self-determination. The need to design and conduct qualitative pedagogic researches of intersexuality from the children's perspective that can destabilize normative discourse of sexuality/corporeality and depatologize intersexuality is emphasized. Inclusion of requirements from the document: Rethinking education: towards a common global good (UNESCO, 2015) is perceived as a good starting point for creating a draft of education policy which is based on humanistic and not utilitarian values. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"
There are some time and geographical points, determinants before which decency calls solely for silence and bowed head, before which words and our ability to understand grow weary or actually, they lose any meaning. Jasenovac is undoubtedly such a place. Our language has one horrifying word – stratište (a place of execution). Simply, it is a place where anthropological, diluvial evil destroys the most valuable – life. The place whose impeccably unmasked and inevitable horror has not been anywhere else so tersely defined, it seems, as in the words of a Serbian old man addressing his executioner: "My child, do what you must". Why are we speaking today then, instead of being appropriately silent? Because the victims, the Serbs together with their fellow-citizens – the Jews and the Roma, those eternal culprits behind all evil, the disliked citizens of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH), ask for a moment of remembrance. A moment of reverence. A bowed head before this place of execution called Jasenovac. It is because today we, not only as a nation, as a state, but as Homo sapiens, and finally as this scrap of civilization that remained for the mankind, do not have the right to be naive. We are obliged to recognize evil in its inception before it is too late, everywhere, far and wide. It is not the number of the murdered people (and the number is large) that determines the horror of Jasenovac, but the intention behind it. The executors of these crimes, with all the contempt that they deserve everywhere and in every place, were not the most horrible ones even in Jasenovac. The most horrifying is the political thought that sustains the deviance of perpetrators, the intention behind the idea of such places of execution, the pseudo-ideology of obliteration that justifies and redeems the sins of those intoxicated with blood. Nowadays, we do not point the finger at any nation or any religion. It would be an unpardonable simplification and primitivism beneath the dignityof this institution. We merely define ourselves in relation to the crime that happened, since it did happen. We do recognize it and remember it. With the ever present and often betrayed and unsuccessful idea not to let it happen again. To us, it remains to pursue the trace of Marko Miljanov's mythical sentence, as we cannot offer anything better even nowadays, which reads that heroism means defending oneself from the evil in others, but also defending others from the evil residing in oneself. Vladimir S. Kostić ; Посебна издања / Српска академија наука и уметности ; књ. 686. Председништво ; књ. 7
This article analyses the weaknesses of contemporary democratic orders which stem from the use of modern manipulation techniques employed by those who manage to win the trust for making the government in democratic elections. Contemporary democracies are under the threat of populist promises which are most often unrealistic. The combination of populism and democracy is usually a product of the powerlessness of political elites, i.e. political parties, in states to solve citizenry's most important problems – to increase the growth and development of the economic system, to introduce the rule of law, and to rehabilitate political institutions so they could rationally and efficiently function within the political system. Contemporary democracies are not equally developed, nor do they have equal chances for developing. The facts demonstrate how in many societies and states – formally oriented towards establishing a democratic governance and towards starting the democratisation of societal and political life – democracy gets misused and diminished to democratic phraseology with the help of populism, while in the institutional aspect being diminished to creating a façade of democratic institutions. It has been demonstrated that the patterns of dominance follow and are characteristic for democratic governances to a larger or smaller degree. The essence of democratic governance are politically responsible decisions, rather than mass participation in making political decisions which are not realistic, while being dangerous in terms of their consequences. Democracy means making good decisions for the benefit and good of all citizens, while hierarchy must not be challenged when it is necessary that institutions function in a rational and efficient way. Introducing equality where professionalism, competence and accountability are needed is devastating for the functioning of institutions, therefore for the functioning of democracy as well. Democracy can be tricked with the help of authorities'populism, as was the case with Nazi Germany. After Nazis took power, not all institutions of the Weimar Republic were dismantled nor challenged, nor was the Weimar Constitution changed. However – parallel to state authorities, Constitution and laws – dozens of new orders and laws were enacted, creating an illusion that nothing is changed in German state. What Nazis did was developing a new mechanism, party mechanism, parallel to the state mechanism. The two functioned next to each other. Such patterns lead to the parallelism of power and democracy, which usually led to the totalitarianisation of democracy. In contemporary states – especially those in the process of democratic transition – such parallelism shows how party leaders do not forfeit party leadership once they get elected to state offices. In that way democracies become submissive and captured by political parties, especially their leaderships and leaders. The relation of freedom and democracy has also been analysed. Experiences show that democracy is founded more successfully in places where people managed to gain their liberties, rather than in those places where democracy is yet to provide liberties to citizens. Dangers for democracy tied with the abuse of democratic conditions are being discusses in the last part of the article. Each condition necessary for the functioning of a democratic order can be simulated through manipulative ways. A special danger for contemporary democracies comes from circumstances in which those who come to power do everything so that society and state are riled by anti-political principles: indifference, fear and trepidation, and powerlessness. Anti-political principles jeopardise democratic order, and those who use them demolish democracy. Democracy is facing constant challenges and temptations for scraping democracy in the name of democracy.
У овом раду дискутује се o позиционирању кључних друштвено-политичких актера у савременој Србији у контексту прихватања скупа симбола јавног наратива дефинисаног као "европске вредности". На примеру одржавања тзв. "Параде поноса", разматра се однос медија и елита према једном догађају који се перципира као суштински услов за "европске интеграције", али према коме истовремено постоји амбивалентан однос, проистекао из етаблираног традиционалистичког политичког дискурса, који подразумева отпор према прихватању сексуалних различитости. Циљ овог рада је да укаже на комплексну природу идентификовања основних симболичких вредности друштва у савременој Србији, која се испољава, пре свега, у виду хегемонијских борби које се воде на линији промоције конзервативних вредности, насупрот ономе што се доживљава као "опасни" уплив либералних "европских" идеја, попут промоције права сексуалних мањина. У раду се анализирају медијски наративи везани за одржавање "Параде поноса" 2010. и 2014. године, са циљем утврђивања промене наратива у склопу декларисаног "европског пута" Србије, и то, пре свега, кроз деловање и позиционирање кључних актера, од политичких елита до припадника екстремно десних организација и навијачких група. ; This paper discusses the position of the key social and political actors in contemporary Serbia, referring to the broadly accepted concept defined as "European values". The article focuses on the so-called "Belgrade Pride Parade", a highly contested event in the Serbian public, which is at the same time considered as the essential part of the EU accession process. Through the analysis of the media discourses related to the "Pride" events in 2010 and 2014, the paper shows the complex relation between the officially proclaimed politics of "European integration" and still very strong nationalist discourses, inherited from the 1990s. The aim of the article is to analyse the present hegemonic struggles between the political forces defending "traditional", conservative values and the political agents that promote "dangerous", liberal "European" ideas, such as protecting the rights of sexual minorities. The comparative analysis of the media representation of two events in 2010 and 2014 shows the changes in the public narrative. I argue that the violent clashes that occurred in 2010 Belgrade Pride Parade between the police and the members of right wing organisations were mostly the result of the lack of the political will among the Serbian elites, followed by ambivalent media representations, promoting at the same time the necessity of accepting "European values" and justification of violence. On the other hand, the absence of violent events in 2014 shows the will of the state apparatus to secure the "Pride". However, the media reports on the event, as well as the public statements made by Serbian officials, still remain ambivalent towards the very nature of the "Pride", justifying it only by the pressure made by the EU and the protection of constitutional rights. Moreover, the presence of new narratives in the media, discussing the high price of organizing such event, shows the shift in the public discourse from common nationalist arguments to the new, neoliberal rhetoric. This change doesn't indicate the radical shift of the social climate in Serbia from conservative to liberal, but, more likely, establishes Serbia as just one of the many states on the European periphery, operating within wider framework of neoliberal agendas. ; Тема броја – Конфликт и помирење на Балкану (ур. Александар Крел) / Topic of the Issue - Conflict and Reconciliation in the Balkans (ed. Aleksandar Krel)
Борба против корупције спада у најважније задатке сваког друштва и државе, због чега се предузимају бројне активности усмерене у правцу адекватне превенције и сузбијања корупције. Најзначајније активности посвећене су изградњи свеобухватног нормативног оквира у борби против корупције, дефинисању корупције, инкриминацији коурптивних дела, успостављању специјализованих органа за борбу против корупције и изградњи оперативних и техничких капацитета тих органа у циљу успешне борбе против корупције. Мада појам корупције још увек није на јединствен начин дефинисан, корупција се може одредити као злоупотреба овлашћења ради личнекористи. Имајући у виду чињеницу да корупција води осиромашењу друштва и државе и губитку поверења грађана у демократске институције, Република Србија је донела нови Закон о организацији и надлежности државних органа у сузбијању организованог криминала, тероризма и корупције, којим су прописана коруптивна кривична дела и предвиђена је специјализација државних органа ради кривичног гоњења и суђења за та кривична дела. Такође, овим законом прописано је увођење финансијске форензике, службеника за везу са Тужилаштвом за организовани криминал и посебним одељењима за сузбијање корупције и формирање ударних група при надлежним тужилаштивма, а све у циљу успешног истраживања и доказивања коруптивних кривичних дела. У раду су представљени резултати рада Посебног одељења за сузбијање корупције при Вишем јавном тужилаштву у Београду у првој години рада, односно анализирана су: коруптивна кривична дела која су процесуирана, практична имплементација нових законских одредаба којима се унапређује истраживање и доказивање коруптивних кривичних дела и број судски окончаних поступака. Посебно је указано на одређене недостатке у законским решењима који отежавају ефикасну борбу против корупције. ; The fight against corruption is the overriding task of every society and state because of which many activities are undertaken that are directed towards adequate prevention and suppression of corruption. The most important activities are dedicated to building comprehensive normative framework in the suppression of corruption, through defining corruption, incrimination of the corruption offenses, establishment of specialized state bodies for the suppression of corruption and defining operational and technical capacities of these bodies in order to successfully fight against corruption. Although the concept of corruption has not yet been uniquely defined, corruption can be defined as abuse of power for private gain. Bearing in mind the fact that corruption leads to impoverishment of the society and state and loss of citizens` confidence in democratic institutions, the Republic of Serbia adopted the new Law on Organisation and Jurisdiction of Government Authorities in the Suppression of Organised Crime, Terrorism and Corruption that prescribes corruptive criminal offenses and foresees specialization of state bodies in order to prosecute and try such criminal offenses. Also, the law provides for the establishment of financial forensics units, connecting officials within the Prosecutor`s Office for Organised Crime and the Special Department of the Public Prosecutor`s Offices for the Suppression of Corruption and establishment of task forces within mentioned Public Prosecutor`s Offices, in order to successfully investigate and prove corruptive criminal offenses. Since more than one year has passed from the beginning of the application of this law, we will present the work results of the Special Department for the Suppression of Corruption within the Higher Public Prosecution Office in Belgrade. Therefore, in this paper we will analyse: corruptive criminal offenses prosecuted during the first year; practical implementation of the new legal provisions which improve investigation and proving of corruptive criminal offenses and the number of court-terminated proceedings. Special attention will be paid to cooperation between specialized bodies for the suppression of corruption. In addition to the practical application analysis of the Law on Organisation and Jurisdiction of Government Authorities in the Suppression of Organised Crime, Terrorism and Corruption focusing on the example of the Special Department for the Suppression of Corruption in Belgrade, we will point out certain deficiencies in the legal provisions that make it difficult to efficiently fight against corruption.
This paper deals with a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of pre-election TV commercials inthe last two campaigns of 2012 and of 2014 in Serbia. The aim of the research is to deconstruct thestrategy of political parties in the field of gender sensitization from a gender perspective based onthe most important activity of parliamentary democracy – the election cycle, using examples ofpaid political advertising – the pre-election TV clip, for which the parties allocated the most resourcesin the campaign of 2012 and of 2014 in Serbia. The aim is also to analyze the personalexperience of female politicians in order to provide a new and different way of analyzing practicesand strategies of the parties in relation to the visibility of female candidate in the mediaduring the election campaign.The basic method is the critical discourse analysis (CDA) complemented by the method ofcomparing the regular election campaign of 2012 and the early elections of 2014, and the methodof life stories of the candidates (oral history). The CDA puts a special emphasis on various forms of discrimination that result from the abuse of power that continues to lead to the emergence ofsocial inequality and injustice (Dijk 2008).There are three levels at which the (in)visibility of women in the political process can be observed:a) the (lack of) presence of women on the candidate lists in the election campaign, andafter the elections, the (decreased) number of women in the parliament; b) (in)visibility of womenin paid media campaigns and c) (in)visibility of women in the language.Practice: a) On the basis of the "principle of affirmative action", women become more presenton the candidate lists and in the parliament as a result of the introduction of quota into the gendersensitive legislation (all SEE countries – Southeast Europe/Western Balkans). b) Women are stillrarely seen in the pre-election TV clip which is the most effective paid advertising, because it is atraditionally male "space", while women are more active in reach-out field work. c) visibility ofwomen in language is achieved, for example, by the use of the Gender-sensitive language Code.(S. Savić).In this paper the focus is on the sub-paragraphs (a) and (b), with (c) being analyzed in a limitedmanner only as part of the pre-election TV clip slogans analysis.A TV clip is comprised of: the slogan and the body of the clip. The slogan is made of aniconic and a linguistic part. In both campaign slogans there were no gender sensitive slogans,except for one in 2014 (URS's campaign for the female Mayor of Belgrade). The body is made ofthe video format and the content. In both campaigns, in 2012 and in 2014 forms of videos werehybrid types that included: documentary footage from the field, speech of the leader speakingdirectly in camera, animation, short fiction form.The analysis confirmed the basic hypothesis: despite the fact that, according to the legal provisionsa female candidate occupied every third position of the candidate lists in both analyzedelection cycles – they are underrepresented in paid political advertising in the media (TV clip).Individual hypotheses are also confirmed.The icons and the contents of the presentation of Serbia in the election cycle in 2012 and in2014 in the election TV clips were masculinized from the standpoint of power in society that isheld by male party leaders. The basic strategy of all parties who had a paid television campaign,in a form of TV clips, in both observed election cycles was the strategy of exclusion from thepolitical space mediated by the media. So we are here talking about a media, and by that, a widersocial invisibility of women in exercising one of the fundamental rights, the right to participationin decision-making and active participation in the elections. ; Cilj rada je da dekonstruiše strategije političkih partija iz rodne perspective u odnosu natelevizijsko predizborno političko plaćeno oglašavanje u kampanjama 2012. i 2014. u Srbiji.Cilj je takođe da se analizira lično iskustvo političarki da bi se na nov i drugačiji način analizirale prakse i strategije partija u odnosu na vidljivost kandidatkinja u vreme predizborne kampanjeu medijima. Metode korišćene u istraživanju su: kritička analiza medijskog diskursa(jedinica analize je tv spot u celini, verbalna, vizuelna i zvučna komponenta), komparativnametoda i životne priče kandidatkinja. Osnovna hipoteza je da bez obzira na to što su, shodnozakonskim odredbama, na kandidatskim listama, u oba analizirana izborna ciklusa, ženezauzimale svako treće mesto – one su podzastupljene u plaćenom političkom medijskom reklamiranju(TV spotu). Osnovni rezultat je da su medijske plaćene kampanje bile maskulinizirane.U fokusu je samo partijski lider. Kandidatkinje su podzastupljene u oba posmatranaperioda. Partije nisu rodno senzibilisane kada je reč o političkom plaćenom oglašavanju uvreme predizborne kampanje.