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In: Politologický časopis, Band 20, Heft 1, S. 109-114
ISSN: 1211-3247
China-CEEC Cooperation: China's Building of a New Type of International Relations
The article analyzes how the 16+1 Cooperation promotes the Chinese new type of international relations from four perspectives: firstly, the "16+1 Cooperation" insists on not rejecting third parties and promotes the idea of open and inclusive international cooperation; Secondly, the cooperation framework adheres to the principle of mutually-beneficial and win-win cooperation, and proposes to wisely handle differences and divergences; Thirdly, this framework never engages in zero-sum games, instead, it fully respects and closely watches the core interests and major concerns of the relevant parties; Fourthly, it is committed to creating a cooperative platform through consultation, to meet the interests of all. The article also makes an analysis of the challenges facing 16+1 Cooperation and gives some suggestions. ; The article analyzes how the 16+1 Cooperation promotes the Chinese new type of international relations from four perspectives: firstly, the "16+1 Cooperation" insists on not rejecting third parties and promotes the idea of open and inclusive international cooperation; Secondly, the cooperation framework adheres to the principle of mutually-beneficial and win-win cooperation, and proposes to wisely handle differences and divergences; Thirdly, this framework never engages in zero-sum games, instead, it fully respects and closely watches the core interests and major concerns of the relevant parties; Fourthly, it is committed to creating a cooperative platform through consultation, to meet the interests of all. The article also makes an analysis of the challenges facing 16+1 Cooperation and gives some suggestions.
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Je li Mundell-Flemingov model primjenjiv u Kini? ; Does the Mundell-Fleming model fit in China?
Ovaj rad ispituje uzročnu vezu između diferencijalne kamatne stope (IRD) i međunarodnog kratkoročnog tijeka kapitala (SCF) kako bi se utvrdilo podržava li takav odnos Mundell-Flemingov model u Kini. Proučavajući postojeće strukturne promjene, ustanovili smo da je dugoročni odnos koji koristi podatke iz cijelog uzorka nestabilan, što sugerira da test uzročnosti nije pouzdan. Slijedom toga, koristimo model pomičnih prosjeka vremenskih serija kako bismo preispitali dinamičku uzročnu vezu, a rezultati pokazuju da diferencijalne kamatne stope (IRD) imaju pozitivan i negativan utjecaj na kratkoročni tijek kapitala (SCF) u nekoliko pod-razdoblja, ali SCF ne utječe na IRD u Kini. Prolazeći kroz vanjske i unutarnje šokove, Kina ne bi trebala kratkoročni tijek kapitala (SCF) ograničavati samo na prilagodbu diferencijalne kamatne stope (IRD). Stoga je ključno da donositelji /kreatori politike obrate pozornost na specifične okolnosti (npr. ekonomsku situaciju, monetarnu politiku) te da i dalje primjenjuju kamatnu i fiskalnu politiku kako bi se reducirao negativni utjecaj SCF-a na kinesko gospodarstvo. ; This paper examines the causal relationship between interest rate differential (IRD) and international short-term capital flow (SCF) to determine whether such a relationship in China supports the Mundell-Fleming model. With structural changes existing, we find that long-run relationship using full-sample data is unstable, suggesting that causality test is not reliable. Consequently, we use a time-varying rolling-window approach to revisiting the dynamic causal relationship, and the results show that IRD has both positive and negative impacts on SCF in several sub-periods, but SCF has no effect on IRD in China. When China suffers external and internal shocks, SCF should not be curbed only by adjusting IRD. Therefore, it is critical for policymakers to pay attention to specific backgrounds (e.g. economic situation, monetary policies) and further employ interest rate and fiscal policies in reducing negative influence from SCF on the Chinese economy.
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Policy orientation, knowledge dynamic ability and green innovation: A mediation model based on China provincial panel data ; Usmjerenost prema politici, dinamička sposobnost znanja i zelene inovacije: medijacijski model temeljen na panel podacima kineskog provincijskog odbora
Environmental supervision and government subsidy are important tools for government to promote green innovation. The influence of these two policy orientations on green innovation performance is spreading widely, but the specific indirect mechanism of policy orientation inducing green innovation needs further exploring. This paper introduces the knowledge-dynamic ability (knowledge production ability, knowledge acquisition ability, knowledge integration ability) into the analysis framework of enterprise green innovation, and studies the mediating effect of the knowledge-dynamic ability on policy orientation and green innovation. Based on the panel data of 30 provinces in China from 2000 to 2015, the empirical findings are as follows: Firstly, the knowledge-dynamic ability plays a remarkable mediating role in promoting between policy orientation and green innovation, which indicates that improving the knowledge-dynamic ability is a core mechanism of policy orientation to induce enterprise green innovation. Secondly, the knowledge-dynamic ability plays a complete mediating role in the relationship between environmental supervision and green innovation. Environmental supervision promotes green process innovation by enhancing knowledge acquisition ability and induces green product innovation by enhancing knowledge production ability. Thirdly, the knowledge-dynamic ability plays a partial mediating role in the relationship between government subsidy and green innovation. Government subsidy improves enterprise green process innovation by enhancing knowledge acquisition ability and knowledge integration ability, and induces enterprise green product innovation by enhancing knowledge production ability and knowledge integration ability. ; Nadzor okoliša i vladine subvencije važni su alati vlade za promicanje zelenih inovacija. Utjecaj tih dviju smjernica politike na rast zelene inovacije se širi, ali potrebno je dodatno istražiti specifične neizravne mehanizme usmjerenosti politike koje potiču zelene inovacije. U ovom radu uvodi se dinamička sposobnost znanja (sposobnost proizvodnje znanja, sposobnost stjecanja znanja, sposobnost integracije znanja) u okvir analize poduzeća zelenih inovacija i proučava posrednički učinak sposobnosti dinamike znanja na usmjerenost politike i zelene inovacije. Empirijski nalazi koji se temelje na panel podacima 30 kineskih provincija za razdoblje od 2000. do 2015. su slijedeći: Prvo, dinamička sposobnost znanja ima značajnu posredničku ulogu između promicanja usmjerenosti prema politici i zelenih inovacija, što ukazuje na to da je poboljšanje dinamičke sposobnosti znanja temeljni mehanizam usmjeravanja politike za poticanje zelenih inovacija u poduzeću. Drugo, dinamička sposobnost znanja igra potpunu posredničku ulogu u odnosu između nadzora okoliša i zelenih inovacija. Nadzor okoliša promiče inovacije zelenih procesa povećavajući sposobnost stjecanja znanja i potiče inovacije zelenih proizvoda poboljšanjem sposobnosti proizvodnje znanja. Treće, dinamička sposobnost znanja ima djelomično posredničku ulogu između državnih subvencija i zelenih inovacija. Državne subvencije poboljšavaju inovacije zelenog procesa u poduzeću povećavanjem sposobnosti stjecanja znanja i sposobnosti integracije znanja, te potiču inovacije zelenih proizvoda u poduzeću povećavanjem sposobnosti proizvodnje znanja i sposobnosti integracije znanja.
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Politike Europske Unije i Sjedinjenih Americkih Drzava prema Kini
In: Politicka misao, Band 43, Heft 4, S. 105-120
The European Union and the United States of America perceive differently China's political & economic burgeoning. For the EU China's economic growth is a welcome development as it implies boosting the "strategic partnership," while the US thinks of it not only in the term of rivalry but also as a threat because of China's growing political & military power. Unlike the US, which focuses on the security aspect of foreign policy, the European security policy is still nascent & the Union usually does not perceive the states outside its borders as dangerous. The author argues that the complexity of the EU policies towards China means that there is yet no EU polity so the interests of various member-countries clash with the interests of the Union on the whole. The author concludes that the US will remain apprehensive regarding the potentials of China as the second superpower that might jeopardize US hegemony, while for the EU the latent political-security threat is much less important than the economic benefits. References. Adapted from the source document.
Kineska vanjska politika i hrvatsko-kineski odnosi
In: Politicka misao, Band 37, Heft 4, S. 50-72
The author analyzes recent Chinese foreign policy, which was influenced by two events: the Tienanmen incident & the fall of the Berlin wall. China began to open up in the early 1980s when it adopted the policy of reforms & openness. This kind of foreign policy went hand in hand with domestic economic reforms. The Tienanmen military crackdown on the democratic movement affected the domestic reforms as well as the foreign policy orientation of China whose goal was to overcome its isolationist tendencies. The author looks into the position of the Chinese foreign policy regarding SFR Yugoslavia & its successor states. He also provides an analysis of the place & role of the Republic of Croatia in Chinese foreign policy. The author concludes that the conditions for expanding the cooperation between the Republic of Croatia & the People's Republic of China are quite auspicious. 14 References. Adapted from the source document.
Promoting Equitable Quality of Early Childhood Education in Rural and Urban China: A Case Study of Rural-Urban Continuum Model ; Promicanje pravedne raspodjele kvalitetnog odgoja i obrazovanja u ranom djetinjstvu u ruralnim i urbanim područjima u Kini: studija slučaja modela ruralno-urbanog kontinuu...
Through the case of the rural-urban continuum model in China, this study aimed at evaluating the effectiveness of local government's policy intervention in promoting equitable quality of early childhood education in rural and urban areas through multi-stakeholders' voices. With simultaneous mixed method approach and self-developed instruments, the authors collected 891 valid parent questionnaires, 184 teacher questionnaires, 52 observational evaluation scales, and conducted interviews with 13 kindergarten principals and 6 administrators. The data were analysed by SPSS and NVIVO Plus. The findings show that a) rural and urban parents' satisfaction levels had significant difference in terms of kindergartens' cost and environment conditions; b) rural and urban teachers exhibited significant difference only when evaluating their professional attitudes and access to material support; c) researchers found no significant difference in quality of play activities and group teaching between rural and urban kindergarten classes, while significant difference was found in child care activities; d) principals perceived positively the effectiveness of the RUC model, yet had big concerns about teachers' quality, and e) government intervention was proved to be a key factor enhancing equitable quality in rural and urban areas. ; Cilj ove studije je, putem slučaja trajnog modela ruralno-urbanog razvoja u Kini, glasovima više dionika provesti evaluaciju učinkovitosti intervencija lokalnih vlada na razini politika u promoviranje pravedne kvalitete predškolskog odgoja i obrazovanja u ruralnim i urbanim područjima. Primjenom pristupa istodobno kombiniranih metoda i instrumenata koje su istraživači sami razvili, autori su izradili 891 upitnik za roditelje, 184 upitnika za učitelje, 52 evaluacijska upitnika, te su proveli intervjue s 13 ravnatelja dječjih vrtića i 6 administratora. Podatke su analizirali s pomoću SPSS i NVIVO Plus. Rezultati pokazuju: a) da se razina zadovoljstva cijenom vrtića i uvjetima uvelike razlikuje između ruralnih i urbanih roditelja, b) da se ruralni i urbani učitelji uvelike razlikuju samo u evaluaciji svojih profesionalnih stavova i pristupa materijalnoj podršci, c) da istraživači nisu našli značajne razlike u kvaliteti aktivnosti igara i grupnom podučavanju između sati u ruralnim i urbanim vrtićima; značajne razlike su ustanovljene u aktivnostima skrbi za djecu, d) da ravnatelji učinkovitost modela RUC ocjenjuju pozitivno, no dosta ih se brine o kvaliteti učitelja, e) da su se vladine intervencije pokazale ključnim čimbenikom u povećanju pravedne kvalitete obrazovanja u ruralnim i urbanim područjima.
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Miroljubivi uspon - nova kineska vanjskopoliticka teorija
In: Politicka misao, Band 41, Heft 1, S. 126-137
As an expression of China's eagerness to modernize its foreign policy in line with the modified global conditions at the start of the 21st century, a new official Chinese foreign policy doctrine has emerged -- the theory of "peaceful rise." After the top echelon of the Chinese leadership have adopted this doctrine, now it is being peddled to the international public. The fundamental tenet of the theory of "peaceful rise" is that a vigorous long-term growth of Chinese economy & China's affirmation in the arena of international relations does not represent a regional or global threat; on the contrary, China's rise may be good for its neighbors (by bringing economic opportunity & strengthening their security) & the global community in general. After the successful resolution in the 1990s of the border disputes with Russia, Kazakhstan & Tajikistan, & the settlement of the issue of the land border with Vietnam, China has directed its efforts to the resolution of the remaining territorial disputes with Japan & India. China joined the ASEAN in October 2003, a sign of the continued improvement of China's relations with the countries in this region. China has also been very keen on improving its -- primarily economic -- relations with Russia & Japan that will bring economic benefits to all the parties. It is interesting that most China's neighbors, unlike the countries of the EU & the US, have a trade surplus with China. China's most important bilateral relation, that with the US, has been marked with the strategic rapprochement of those two great powers after "September 11" concerning the fight against international terrorism, but is nevertheless still burdened with an array of troublesome issues: Taiwan, criticisms of China due to its violation of human rights & intellectual property, the huge American trade deficit with China. The main challenges to the process of China's "peaceful rise" are the following: the imbalance of its economic growth, particularly its overdependence on exports, the deteriorated relationships with Taiwan after President Chen Shui-bian, a strong advocate of Taiwan's independence, won the 2000 elections. The author concludes that the Chinese foreign policy doctrine of "peaceful rise" is a welcome effort to allay the fears that have been fueled by China's prominence & to explain its new role in international relations. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.
China's Belt and Road Initiative Extension to Central and Eastern European Countries - Sixteen Nations, Five Summits, Many Challenges
The Belt and Road Initiative proclaimed by President Xi in 2013, a strategy developed by the Chinese government, is very important to China but is not confined to China. In order for the initiative to be successful it needs to be embraced by the countries on the terrestrial and maritime route indicated in the plan. In the late 1980s Deng Xiaoping proposed to integrate Socialism with Chinese Characteristics (Zhongguo Tese Shehui Zhuyi,中国特色社国主国) into global capitalism and in the 1990s the Jiang Zemin leadership initiated the Going out policy (Zouchuqu Zhanlue, 走出去国略) – the current Belt and Road Initiative is China's continuation in implementing those policies into actual deeds. China's accession to WTO in 2001 marked China's full integration into the global economy and since then the People's Republic of China (PRC) has become the largest trading partner for more than 180 countries. The Xi-Li administration has been extremely proactive since it was established in 2012; from that year on, Chinese behavior in international affairs has gained an ever-growing role as a forger of economic and diplomatic ties between countries. The primary example of this behavior is the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). As every serious foreign policy plan, the BRI is an accumulation of various other initiatives. For example, the cooperation mechanism "16+1", with which the PRC has approached Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC), can be integrated under the BRI. This paper analizes the "16+1" China-CEEC cooperation mechanism in the context of the bigger BRI initiative, and tries to comprehend the economic and political factors intertwined with its implementation. ; The Belt and Road Initiative proclaimed by President Xi in 2013, a strategy developed by the Chinese government, is very important to China but is not confined to China. In order for the initiative to be successful it needs to be embraced by the countries on the terrestrial and maritime route indicated in the plan. In the late 1980s Deng Xiaoping proposed to integrate Socialism with Chinese Characteristics (Zhongguo Tese Shehui Zhuyi,中国特色社国主国) into global capitalism and in the 1990s the Jiang Zemin leadership initiated the Going out policy (Zouchuqu Zhanlue, 走出去国略) – the current Belt and Road Initiative is China's continuation in implementing those policies into actual deeds. China's accession to WTO in 2001 marked China's full integration into the global economy and since then the People's Republic of China (PRC) has become the largest trading partner for more than 180 countries. The Xi-Li administration has been extremely proactive since it was established in 2012; from that year on, Chinese behavior in international affairs has gained an ever-growing role as a forger of economic and diplomatic ties between countries. The primary example of this behavior is the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). As every serious foreign policy plan, the BRI is an accumulation of various other initiatives. For example, the cooperation mechanism "16+1", with which the PRC has approached Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC), can be integrated under the BRI. This paper analizes the "16+1" China-CEEC cooperation mechanism in the context of the bigger BRI initiative, and tries to comprehend the economic and political factors intertwined with its implementation.
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Izazovi novom svjetskom poretku
In: Politicka misao, Band 35, Heft 2, S. 79-93
The disintegration of the socialist regime in Europe did away with the bipolar model of world order & inaugurated a new phase in seeking a new structure & model of international relations. This new world order, only broadly outlined & characterized by (mostly) unilateral leadership, has already been challenged. Two superpowers -- the People's Republic of China & Russia -- condemn the hegemony, unilateralism, & attempts at dictating international relations. China & Russia are supported by a group of disgruntled countries who also think that a broadly based multipolarity is the direction that international relations & the new world order should take. Judging by these challenges & criticisms, it might be said that only multilateral cooperativeness can guarantee validity to the nascent world order. 15 References. Adapted from the source document.
Kineska vanjska politika u novim okolnostima
In: Politicka misao, Band 40, Heft 2, S. 131-139
The author looks into the post-September 11 (2001) Chinese foreign policy. It has had three areas of special importance. The top priority is China's relationship with the US. The second important area of foreign policy is its relationships with the neighboring countries, & the third concerns China's cooperation & solidarity with the developing countries. The author is of the opinion that the Chinese foreign policy has entered its mature stage; ie, it is relatively predictable. The relationships between China & Croatia have been traditionally good & partly inherited from the former SFRY. These relationships are going to evolve in accordance with the degree of Croatia's integration into the EU or with EU's policy regarding China. 3 References. Adapted from the source document.
Pola stoljeca Narodne Republike Kine
In: Politicka misao, Band 36, Heft 3, S. 34-44
Taking into consideration all the benefits & pitfalls of its political, economic, military, & cultural legacies, the People's Republic of China has adopted a policy of reliance on rapid economic growth & improvement of the standard of living conducive to political & social stability of Chinese society & state. This goal has been accomplished only temporarily & partially, while the final result depends primarily on the ability of the Chinese leadership to find the golden mean between the two opposites: the closed political system & the need to maintain an open economy. In its search for a place in today's world, China is faced with the central choice of equitable participation in the global community: full acceptance of its mechanisms & principles (beginning with the UN) & international trade norms, the protection of human rights, armament control, environmental protection, etc. However, the Chinese see in this a threat of the erosion of Chinese independence & the possibility of choice & political independence of the Chinese state. Adapted from the source document.
Politike Europske Unije i Sjedinjenih Americkih Drzava prema Kini
In: Politicka misao, Band 43, Heft 4, S. 105-120
The European Union and the United States of America perceive differently China's political & economic burgeoning. For the EU China's economic growth is a welcome development as it implies boosting the "strategic partnership," while the US thinks of it not only in the term of rivalry but also as a threat because of China's growing political & military power. Unlike the US, which focuses on the security aspect of foreign policy, the European security policy is still nascent & the Union usually does not perceive the states outside its borders as dangerous. The author argues that the complexity of the EU policies towards China means that there is yet no EU polity so the interests of various member-countries clash with the interests of the Union on the whole. The author concludes that the US will remain apprehensive regarding the potentials of China as the second superpower that might jeopardize US hegemony, while for the EU the latent political-security threat is much less important than the economic benefits. References. Adapted from the source document.