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ASEAN and China – Balancing or Bandwagoning? South China Sea Case "ASEAN and China – Balancing or Bandwagoning? South China Sea Case" thesis focuses on ASEAN states' behaviour and positions vis-a-vis China in the South China Sea conflict. Author raised important question, why despite the recent positive developments in the negotiations on the Code of Conduct, China continues to act aggressively. Two possible explanations were presented – either ASEAN countries are bandwagoning with China in South China Sea conflict or their balancing efforts are unsuccessful. Therefore the purpose of this essay was to examine what strategies ASEAN apply – balancing or bandwagoning and how succesfull it is. Also, another possible strategy was introduced in this thesis – hedging. This concept means that country is occassionaly applying both balancing and bandwagoning strategies and at the same time avoiding negative consequences that are associated with them. The countries in this thesis were divided into three groups. First group comprised from countries that are claimants in South China Sea conflict – Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia and Brunei Darussalam. The hypothesis is that because they are claimants and their territorial integrity is at stake, they will balance China. The second group comprised of countries that are not claimants, however sea is very important for their survival – Indonesia, Singapore and Thailand. Author argued that these countries will choose balancing or hedging strategy. The third group comprised from Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar – countries that are not claimants and do not have the entrance to the South China Sea or it is small. Hypothesis was that they will hedge China or bandwagon with it. Lastly, other factors like proximity to China, country's military strength, defence relations with China and other countries (especially USA), economic dependence on China and economic relations with other countries were included in this research. The hypotheses that were raised at the beggining of this research were only partially correct because other mentioned factors also play very imporant role in determining countries' positions. Balancing strategy is applied by Vietnam, Indonesia and Singapore, hedging strategy is applied by Malaysia, Thailand and Myanmar and bandwagoning strategy is applied by the Philippines, Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia and Laos. The biggest puzzle in the thesis is the Philippines behaviour. Author argued that the main factor behind the sudden change of its position is the election of the new President – Rodrigo Duterte, even though neorealism does not pay attention to the impact of individuals. Another important finding is that ASEAN countries lack unity in the South China Sea conflict. This is reason why China continues to act agressively in the South China Sea. Also, since there is no unity in ASEAN and China sees it, it is highly doubtful if countries will be able to reach legally significant Code of Conduct.

ASEAN and China – Balancing or Bandwagoning? South China Sea Case "ASEAN and China – Balancing or Bandwagoning? South China Sea Case" thesis focuses on ASEAN states' behaviour and positions vis-a-vis China in the South China Sea conflict. Author raised important question, why despite the recent positive developments in the negotiations on the Code of Conduct, China continues to act aggressively. Two possible explanations were presented – either ASEAN countries are bandwagoning with China in South China Sea conflict or their balancing efforts are unsuccessful. Therefore the purpose of this essay was to examine what strategies ASEAN apply – balancing or bandwagoning and how succesfull it is. Also, another possible strategy was introduced in this thesis – hedging. This concept means that country is occassionaly applying both balancing and bandwagoning strategies and at the same time avoiding negative consequences that are associated with them. The countries in this thesis were divided into three groups. First group comprised from countries that are claimants in South China Sea conflict – Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia and Brunei Darussalam. The hypothesis is that because they are claimants and their territorial integrity is at stake, they will balance China. The second group comprised of countries that are not claimants, however sea is very important for their survival – Indonesia, Singapore and Thailand. Author argued that these countries will choose balancing or hedging strategy. The third group comprised from Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar – countries that are not claimants and do not have the entrance to the South China Sea or it is small. Hypothesis was that they will hedge China or bandwagon with it. Lastly, other factors like proximity to China, country's military strength, defence relations with China and other countries (especially USA), economic dependence on China and economic relations with other countries were included in this research. The hypotheses that were raised at the beggining of this research were only partially correct because other mentioned factors also play very imporant role in determining countries' positions. Balancing strategy is applied by Vietnam, Indonesia and Singapore, hedging strategy is applied by Malaysia, Thailand and Myanmar and bandwagoning strategy is applied by the Philippines, Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia and Laos. The biggest puzzle in the thesis is the Philippines behaviour. Author argued that the main factor behind the sudden change of its position is the election of the new President – Rodrigo Duterte, even though neorealism does not pay attention to the impact of individuals. Another important finding is that ASEAN countries lack unity in the South China Sea conflict. This is reason why China continues to act agressively in the South China Sea. Also, since there is no unity in ASEAN and China sees it, it is highly doubtful if countries will be able to reach legally significant Code of Conduct.

ASEAN and China – Balancing or Bandwagoning? South China Sea Case "ASEAN and China – Balancing or Bandwagoning? South China Sea Case" thesis focuses on ASEAN states' behaviour and positions vis-a-vis China in the South China Sea conflict. Author raised important question, why despite the recent positive developments in the negotiations on the Code of Conduct, China continues to act aggressively. Two possible explanations were presented – either ASEAN countries are bandwagoning with China in South China Sea conflict or their balancing efforts are unsuccessful. Therefore the purpose of this essay was to examine what strategies ASEAN apply – balancing or bandwagoning and how succesfull it is. Also, another possible strategy was introduced in this thesis – hedging. This concept means that country is occassionaly applying both balancing and bandwagoning strategies and at the same time avoiding negative consequences that are associated with them. The countries in this thesis were divided into three groups. First group comprised from countries that are claimants in South China Sea conflict – Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia and Brunei Darussalam. The hypothesis is that because they are claimants and their territorial integrity is at stake, they will balance China. The second group comprised of countries that are not claimants, however sea is very important for their survival – Indonesia, Singapore and Thailand. Author argued that these countries will choose balancing or hedging strategy. The third group comprised from Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar – countries that are not claimants and do not have the entrance to the South China Sea or it is small. Hypothesis was that they will hedge China or bandwagon with it. Lastly, other factors like proximity to China, country's military strength, defence relations with China and other countries (especially USA), economic dependence on China and economic relations with other countries were included in this research. The hypotheses that were raised at the beggining of this research were only partially correct because other mentioned factors also play very imporant role in determining countries' positions. Balancing strategy is applied by Vietnam, Indonesia and Singapore, hedging strategy is applied by Malaysia, Thailand and Myanmar and bandwagoning strategy is applied by the Philippines, Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia and Laos. The biggest puzzle in the thesis is the Philippines behaviour. Author argued that the main factor behind the sudden change of its position is the election of the new President – Rodrigo Duterte, even though neorealism does not pay attention to the impact of individuals. Another important finding is that ASEAN countries lack unity in the South China Sea conflict. This is reason why China continues to act agressively in the South China Sea. Also, since there is no unity in ASEAN and China sees it, it is highly doubtful if countries will be able to reach legally significant Code of Conduct.

ASEAN and China – Balancing or Bandwagoning? South China Sea Case "ASEAN and China – Balancing or Bandwagoning? South China Sea Case" thesis focuses on ASEAN states' behaviour and positions vis-a-vis China in the South China Sea conflict. Author raised important question, why despite the recent positive developments in the negotiations on the Code of Conduct, China continues to act aggressively. Two possible explanations were presented – either ASEAN countries are bandwagoning with China in South China Sea conflict or their balancing efforts are unsuccessful. Therefore the purpose of this essay was to examine what strategies ASEAN apply – balancing or bandwagoning and how succesfull it is. Also, another possible strategy was introduced in this thesis – hedging. This concept means that country is occassionaly applying both balancing and bandwagoning strategies and at the same time avoiding negative consequences that are associated with them. The countries in this thesis were divided into three groups. First group comprised from countries that are claimants in South China Sea conflict – Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia and Brunei Darussalam. The hypothesis is that because they are claimants and their territorial integrity is at stake, they will balance China. The second group comprised of countries that are not claimants, however sea is very important for their survival – Indonesia, Singapore and Thailand. Author argued that these countries will choose balancing or hedging strategy. The third group comprised from Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar – countries that are not claimants and do not have the entrance to the South China Sea or it is small. Hypothesis was that they will hedge China or bandwagon with it. Lastly, other factors like proximity to China, country's military strength, defence relations with China and other countries (especially USA), economic dependence on China and economic relations with other countries were included in this research. The hypotheses that were raised at the beggining of this research were only partially correct because other mentioned factors also play very imporant role in determining countries' positions. Balancing strategy is applied by Vietnam, Indonesia and Singapore, hedging strategy is applied by Malaysia, Thailand and Myanmar and bandwagoning strategy is applied by the Philippines, Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia and Laos. The biggest puzzle in the thesis is the Philippines behaviour. Author argued that the main factor behind the sudden change of its position is the election of the new President – Rodrigo Duterte, even though neorealism does not pay attention to the impact of individuals. Another important finding is that ASEAN countries lack unity in the South China Sea conflict. This is reason why China continues to act agressively in the South China Sea. Also, since there is no unity in ASEAN and China sees it, it is highly doubtful if countries will be able to reach legally significant Code of Conduct.

Umbrasaitė R. Taiwan Question in the U.S.-China Relations/ International Politics and Economics Master's Thesis. Supervisor: Doc. Dr. Egidijus Motieka. – Vilnius: Faculty of Politics and Management, Institute of Political Science, Mykolas Romeris University, 2015. – 70 p. Master's thesis aims at analyzing the impact that Taiwan question has in the U.S.-China relations. Chapter 1 provides an analysis of the main international relations theories that define relations between countries, as international organization influence on the relations between the countries analyzed in this thesis is insignificant. Furthermore, chapter 1 also includes geopolitical approach in order to fully disclose the U.S. strategy in Asia. Chapter 2 reveals the main problematic areas of the U.S.-China relations. Chapter 3 provides an analysis of China-Taiwan and the U.S.-Taiwan relations. Afterwards, the most important factors affecting the U.S.-China relations are distinguished. In Chapter 4, possible future scenarios of the U.S.-China-Taiwan relations are constructed.

Umbrasaitė R. Taiwan Question in the U.S.-China Relations/ International Politics and Economics Master's Thesis. Supervisor: Doc. Dr. Egidijus Motieka. – Vilnius: Faculty of Politics and Management, Institute of Political Science, Mykolas Romeris University, 2015. – 70 p. Master's thesis aims at analyzing the impact that Taiwan question has in the U.S.-China relations. Chapter 1 provides an analysis of the main international relations theories that define relations between countries, as international organization influence on the relations between the countries analyzed in this thesis is insignificant. Furthermore, chapter 1 also includes geopolitical approach in order to fully disclose the U.S. strategy in Asia. Chapter 2 reveals the main problematic areas of the U.S.-China relations. Chapter 3 provides an analysis of China-Taiwan and the U.S.-Taiwan relations. Afterwards, the most important factors affecting the U.S.-China relations are distinguished. In Chapter 4, possible future scenarios of the U.S.-China-Taiwan relations are constructed.

Collective bargaining and collective agreements were born in western countries. During last 30 years China has attempted to introduce market economy and modern industry, also the legal system which includes collective bargaining and collective agreements. These two concepts are quite new to the Chinese subjects of labour law, although during the period of planned economy the labour unions already exists, but the Chinese regime and subjects of labour law don't understand how the collective bargaining and collective agreements essentially work. The Chinese regime is confronted by various problems concerning labour relations while introducing market economy and modern industry, these problems have been settled in western countries. While promting further growing of economy, the implementation of collective bargaining and collective agreements is one of the most important and essential tasks of Chinese government, because the stability of individual and collective labour relations directly influences Chinese communist regime, economic sustainable development and harmoniuos society.

Collective bargaining and collective agreements were born in western countries. During last 30 years China has attempted to introduce market economy and modern industry, also the legal system which includes collective bargaining and collective agreements. These two concepts are quite new to the Chinese subjects of labour law, although during the period of planned economy the labour unions already exists, but the Chinese regime and subjects of labour law don't understand how the collective bargaining and collective agreements essentially work. The Chinese regime is confronted by various problems concerning labour relations while introducing market economy and modern industry, these problems have been settled in western countries. While promting further growing of economy, the implementation of collective bargaining and collective agreements is one of the most important and essential tasks of Chinese government, because the stability of individual and collective labour relations directly influences Chinese communist regime, economic sustainable development and harmoniuos society.

L'oggetto di questa tesi di master è di fornire una descrizione oggettiva degli sviluppi degli investimenti cinesi all'estero da un punto di vista legale, così come di analizzarne il contesto ideologico e costituZionale. Il primo capitolo si incentra sul quadro regolatorio degli investimenti cinesi all'estero tra il 1979 ed il 1991. Da 1979 la Cina non solo ha iniziato un processo di riforma ed apertura ma ha anche creato il primo concetto giuridico che costituisce la base per gli investimenti diretti all'estero. L'obiettivo di questa sezione riguarda l'analisi di tre forme di investimenti diretti esteri verso la Cina nello specifico Equity Joint Venture (EJV), Wholly-owned Foreign Enterprises (WOFE) e Cooperative Joint Ventures (CJV). Il secondo capitolo fornisce una panoramica del periodo tra il 1992 fino al 2015. All'epoca uno dei primi è più importanti cambiamenti é stato accettare la Cina nel Organizzazione mondiale del Commercio. Il risultato che ne derivó furono degli importanti cambiamenti di indirizzo politico. Inoltre, regole specifiche furono introdotte al fine di redigere una lista delle industrie aperte agli investimenti stranieri diretti e quali no. Ciascun progetto era inoltre distinto fra "consentito", "incoraggiato", "limitato" o "proibito" in modo da riflettere la propensione alla partecipazione agli investimenti stranieri. L' intento principale del terzo capitolo é quello di dare una visione d'insieme degli investimenti stranieri diretti dal 1996 al 2015. La ricerca ha preso in particolare considerazione la composizione dell'interesse variabile (VIE) creata per favorire settori politicamente delicati limitati o esclusi agli investimenti diretti stranieri. Tuttavia, la leggittimità e l'applicabilità della composizione sembra essere poco chiara in quanto il governo cinese non la ha né rigettata né approvata. Ciò nonostante, un numero significativo di aziende che hanno fatto domanda per la VIE sono poi riuscite a quotarsi alla borsa di New York. Per concludere, é impossibile coprire tutti gli aspetti della politica dei pagamenti stranieri diretti in un unico studio. Per questo motivo la nuova regolamentazione non é qui stata trattata.

L'oggetto di questa tesi di master è di fornire una descrizione oggettiva degli sviluppi degli investimenti cinesi all'estero da un punto di vista legale, così come di analizzarne il contesto ideologico e costituZionale. Il primo capitolo si incentra sul quadro regolatorio degli investimenti cinesi all'estero tra il 1979 ed il 1991. Da 1979 la Cina non solo ha iniziato un processo di riforma ed apertura ma ha anche creato il primo concetto giuridico che costituisce la base per gli investimenti diretti all'estero. L'obiettivo di questa sezione riguarda l'analisi di tre forme di investimenti diretti esteri verso la Cina nello specifico Equity Joint Venture (EJV), Wholly-owned Foreign Enterprises (WOFE) e Cooperative Joint Ventures (CJV). Il secondo capitolo fornisce una panoramica del periodo tra il 1992 fino al 2015. All'epoca uno dei primi è più importanti cambiamenti é stato accettare la Cina nel Organizzazione mondiale del Commercio. Il risultato che ne derivó furono degli importanti cambiamenti di indirizzo politico. Inoltre, regole specifiche furono introdotte al fine di redigere una lista delle industrie aperte agli investimenti stranieri diretti e quali no. Ciascun progetto era inoltre distinto fra "consentito", "incoraggiato", "limitato" o "proibito" in modo da riflettere la propensione alla partecipazione agli investimenti stranieri. L' intento principale del terzo capitolo é quello di dare una visione d'insieme degli investimenti stranieri diretti dal 1996 al 2015. La ricerca ha preso in particolare considerazione la composizione dell'interesse variabile (VIE) creata per favorire settori politicamente delicati limitati o esclusi agli investimenti diretti stranieri. Tuttavia, la leggittimità e l'applicabilità della composizione sembra essere poco chiara in quanto il governo cinese non la ha né rigettata né approvata. Ciò nonostante, un numero significativo di aziende che hanno fatto domanda per la VIE sono poi riuscite a quotarsi alla borsa di New York. Per concludere, é impossibile coprire tutti gli aspetti della politica dei pagamenti stranieri diretti in un unico studio. Per questo motivo la nuova regolamentazione non é qui stata trattata.

L'oggetto di questa tesi di master è di fornire una descrizione oggettiva degli sviluppi degli investimenti cinesi all'estero da un punto di vista legale, così come di analizzarne il contesto ideologico e costituZionale. Il primo capitolo si incentra sul quadro regolatorio degli investimenti cinesi all'estero tra il 1979 ed il 1991. Da 1979 la Cina non solo ha iniziato un processo di riforma ed apertura ma ha anche creato il primo concetto giuridico che costituisce la base per gli investimenti diretti all'estero. L'obiettivo di questa sezione riguarda l'analisi di tre forme di investimenti diretti esteri verso la Cina nello specifico Equity Joint Venture (EJV), Wholly-owned Foreign Enterprises (WOFE) e Cooperative Joint Ventures (CJV). Il secondo capitolo fornisce una panoramica del periodo tra il 1992 fino al 2015. All'epoca uno dei primi è più importanti cambiamenti é stato accettare la Cina nel Organizzazione mondiale del Commercio. Il risultato che ne derivó furono degli importanti cambiamenti di indirizzo politico. Inoltre, regole specifiche furono introdotte al fine di redigere una lista delle industrie aperte agli investimenti stranieri diretti e quali no. Ciascun progetto era inoltre distinto fra "consentito", "incoraggiato", "limitato" o "proibito" in modo da riflettere la propensione alla partecipazione agli investimenti stranieri. L' intento principale del terzo capitolo é quello di dare una visione d'insieme degli investimenti stranieri diretti dal 1996 al 2015. La ricerca ha preso in particolare considerazione la composizione dell'interesse variabile (VIE) creata per favorire settori politicamente delicati limitati o esclusi agli investimenti diretti stranieri. Tuttavia, la leggittimità e l'applicabilità della composizione sembra essere poco chiara in quanto il governo cinese non la ha né rigettata né approvata. Ciò nonostante, un numero significativo di aziende che hanno fatto domanda per la VIE sono poi riuscite a quotarsi alla borsa di New York. Per concludere, é impossibile coprire tutti gli aspetti della politica dei pagamenti stranieri diretti in un unico studio. Per questo motivo la nuova regolamentazione non é qui stata trattata.

L'oggetto di questa tesi di master è di fornire una descrizione oggettiva degli sviluppi degli investimenti cinesi all'estero da un punto di vista legale, così come di analizzarne il contesto ideologico e costituZionale. Il primo capitolo si incentra sul quadro regolatorio degli investimenti cinesi all'estero tra il 1979 ed il 1991. Da 1979 la Cina non solo ha iniziato un processo di riforma ed apertura ma ha anche creato il primo concetto giuridico che costituisce la base per gli investimenti diretti all'estero. L'obiettivo di questa sezione riguarda l'analisi di tre forme di investimenti diretti esteri verso la Cina nello specifico Equity Joint Venture (EJV), Wholly-owned Foreign Enterprises (WOFE) e Cooperative Joint Ventures (CJV). Il secondo capitolo fornisce una panoramica del periodo tra il 1992 fino al 2015. All'epoca uno dei primi è più importanti cambiamenti é stato accettare la Cina nel Organizzazione mondiale del Commercio. Il risultato che ne derivó furono degli importanti cambiamenti di indirizzo politico. Inoltre, regole specifiche furono introdotte al fine di redigere una lista delle industrie aperte agli investimenti stranieri diretti e quali no. Ciascun progetto era inoltre distinto fra "consentito", "incoraggiato", "limitato" o "proibito" in modo da riflettere la propensione alla partecipazione agli investimenti stranieri. L' intento principale del terzo capitolo é quello di dare una visione d'insieme degli investimenti stranieri diretti dal 1996 al 2015. La ricerca ha preso in particolare considerazione la composizione dell'interesse variabile (VIE) creata per favorire settori politicamente delicati limitati o esclusi agli investimenti diretti stranieri. Tuttavia, la leggittimità e l'applicabilità della composizione sembra essere poco chiara in quanto il governo cinese non la ha né rigettata né approvata. Ciò nonostante, un numero significativo di aziende che hanno fatto domanda per la VIE sono poi riuscite a quotarsi alla borsa di New York. Per concludere, é impossibile coprire tutti gli aspetti della politica dei pagamenti stranieri diretti in un unico studio. Per questo motivo la nuova regolamentazione non é qui stata trattata.

Topic of the thesis is the implementation of one - child policy in China: the demographic and economic consequences. China's situation is unique because its demographic evolution was influenced by various birth planning policies. The greatest impact for the country development had a one - child policy, which formally were implemented since 1979 until 2015. The problem of this thesis is related to China's one-child policy, its development, demographic and economic changes during its implementation. The main object of this master's thesis is one–child policy and its impact on the main demographic and economic indicators. The aim is to find out if the one-child policy introduced in 1979 was successful and resulted in a positive demographic and economic changes. To achieve the aim of the thesis, were formulated following tasks: after the analysis of the demographic theories, construct theoretical approach which help assess the demographic situation in China; an overview the birth planning policies development until the one-child policy implementation in 1979; analyze the one-child policy characteristics of the implementation, development, application methods; perform an analysis of demographic characteristics until the one-child policy (1949 - 1979) and after (1979 - 2015); analyze macroeconomic indicators until the one-child policy (1949 - 1979) and after (1979-2015). The results showed that in China 1970 – 1979, before the implementation of the one-child policy, the country has experienced a dramatic decline in fertility due to the strict birth planning policy initiated by Mao Zedong. After Mao's death, when Deng Xiaoping became a political leader of China, he decided to to revive the country's economy, so country needed a new birth planning policy. In 1979, was introduced the one-child policy, according to which the state formally controlled the family planning process. Implementation of this policy for the past 35 years caused the problems such as rapid aging of society, striking gender imbalance, decreasing labor resources, low birth rates. However, despite these problems, demographic and economic indicators analysis showed that the one-child policy achieved its objectives and helped China to become one of the strongest countries in the world. One-child policy reduced rapid population growth, increased gross domestic product, significantly improved gross domestic product per capita, due to the low birth rate raised the part of economically active population, increased investments of the country.

Topic of the thesis is the implementation of one - child policy in China: the demographic and economic consequences. China's situation is unique because its demographic evolution was influenced by various birth planning policies. The greatest impact for the country development had a one - child policy, which formally were implemented since 1979 until 2015. The problem of this thesis is related to China's one-child policy, its development, demographic and economic changes during its implementation. The main object of this master's thesis is one–child policy and its impact on the main demographic and economic indicators. The aim is to find out if the one-child policy introduced in 1979 was successful and resulted in a positive demographic and economic changes. To achieve the aim of the thesis, were formulated following tasks: after the analysis of the demographic theories, construct theoretical approach which help assess the demographic situation in China; an overview the birth planning policies development until the one-child policy implementation in 1979; analyze the one-child policy characteristics of the implementation, development, application methods; perform an analysis of demographic characteristics until the one-child policy (1949 - 1979) and after (1979 - 2015); analyze macroeconomic indicators until the one-child policy (1949 - 1979) and after (1979-2015). The results showed that in China 1970 – 1979, before the implementation of the one-child policy, the country has experienced a dramatic decline in fertility due to the strict birth planning policy initiated by Mao Zedong. After Mao's death, when Deng Xiaoping became a political leader of China, he decided to to revive the country's economy, so country needed a new birth planning policy. In 1979, was introduced the one-child policy, according to which the state formally controlled the family planning process. Implementation of this policy for the past 35 years caused the problems such as rapid aging of society, striking gender imbalance, decreasing labor resources, low birth rates. However, despite these problems, demographic and economic indicators analysis showed that the one-child policy achieved its objectives and helped China to become one of the strongest countries in the world. One-child policy reduced rapid population growth, increased gross domestic product, significantly improved gross domestic product per capita, due to the low birth rate raised the part of economically active population, increased investments of the country.

During the period of 1995–2008, Sino–Taiwanese relations became of significant importance in East Asia. From the very beginning, China and Taiwan tried to find ways how to balance their interests, because it became clear, that both sides seek for different goals and the question of unification is differently understood. Taiwan tried to find a positive-symmetrical balance, whereas mainlanders constructed their rules of the game based on positive-asymmetrical relations. Positive position can be drawn from their general agreement that for both sides the issue of unification is the key political and security issue. Starting from 1995–1996 cross-strait crisis, political and security balancing turned out to be negative. Taiwan was more and more eager for its own regional role and its own political identity, what irritated Beijing to great extent, and finally provoked its military reaction. After Lee Teng-hui`s outstanding performance in regional and international levels, his successor Chen Shui-bian was lowered down to the earth. He had to understand the causes of PRC`s negative asymmetry to Taiwan's real political and economical life and, thus, be more sensitive about provoking Beijing and security balance in the region. In turn, PRC calmed down for a while and took a firm position of negative asymmetrical position towards Taiwan.