Suchergebnisse

In this article, the results of a public opinion survey, the "1986 Taiwan National Election Study", are used to examine transformation on the personal level as society and economy improve. The degree of association between socio-economic development and political development is discussed and its implications for Third World communism are pointed out. (DÜI-Sen)

Preface -- Contents -- 1 Introduction: A Third Trial of National Identity and Minority's Citizenship Identity in Contemporary China -- References -- 2 Nation-state, Citizenship Identity, Minority Autonomy: Orchestrating Civil Religion and Ideology Through Political Socialization Process in a Post-communism Asian State -- Citizenship Identity, Origins, and Way Ahead -- Ideology of Communism and Civil Religion of Confucianism: Discretionary Power Over Civil Society for Chinese Citizenship Identity Development -- Historical Evolvement of Chinese Nationalism as a Construction of Civil Religion

AbstractSince the early 1980s, China's rapid economic growth and profound social transformation have greatly changed the role of popular religion in modern Chinese politics. In the case ofnuo, these changes have been directly responsible for the incorporation of this popular religion into the implementation of Party-state's policy on ethnic minority and the provision of evidence to support the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party's regime. Through manipulation and reinterpretation by local governments, the popular religion ofnuohas not only become the target of local socio-economic development, a common phenomenon in contemporary China, but has also played a key role in ethnic identification, which is an important step for a post-Mao's CCP to maintain political stability in ethnic minority areas. In addition,nuohas through the research of Marxism-influenced schools fundamentally altered its position from an officially unrecognized religion opposed to both socialist political order and atheist ideology to a politically favoured 'living fossil'1of primitive culture. This proves the Marxist evolutionary theory in which socialism and communism are thought to be inescapable consequences of social development. The positive role played bynuoin modern Chinese politics has brought the popular religion much open support and endorsement from party-state officials at all levels, including top-ranking officials within the Central Committee of the CCP. Like any popular religion,nuohas over the centuries undergone significant changes, but never before has it experienced such dramatic changes in its relationship with an anti-religious and pragmatic central government, something which has significantly altered the course of its development.

Session 2: Panel 8 - Politics and Culture after the Xinhai Revolution ; This paper examines the observations and reflections of Chinese writers on the Nanjing Decade (1927–37), a period that the Republican government tried to build the nation after the unification of the country. It was acrimoniously debated whether the 1911 Xinhai Revolution had brought progress and modernization to China. Based on an analysis of modern literature, three aspects related to the debate are identified: (1) The writers noted serious social and economic problems, including poverty, hunger, atrocities of officials and rich people, and moral decay. (2) The political situations were grave due to the threat from Japan and civil military conflicts between the Nationalists and the Communists. The morale of soldiers was low. These problems could hardly be resolved due to corruption among the bureaucrats. (3) With regard to culture, the writers saw many conflicts between traditional thoughts, such as superstitions in rural areas and discrimination against women, and modern ideas, such as freedom of love and women's rights. Also, intellectuals portrayed in literature were generally sympathetic to communism, although this emerging ideology and its activities were harshly suppressed by the Nationalist government. To conclude, twenty years had passed since the 1911 Revolution, but modern Chinese intellectuals, as represented by the writers, believed that the country had remained poor, weak, and backward. They presented a panorama of the difficult lives of common people whose dissatisfactions grew towards the late 1930s. ; published_or_final_version

The Chinese Communist Party established the People's Republic of China in 1949 with the intention of creating a social utopia with equality between the sexes and China's diverse ethnic groups. However, by portraying gender, ethnicity, and politics in propaganda along the lines of yin and yang, the Party perpetuated a situation of oppression for women and minorities.

In his Marxism and the Philosophy of Language, Mikhail Bakhtin contends that language does not merely reflect the world, but actually constructs ideology of a society. The ideology of Chinese communism is disseminated through morally charged slogans, political campaigns, and the mass participation of political rituals. This chapter explores the discursive construction of 'the new communist person' by examining the speeches and writings of Mao Zedong (1893-1976), the paramount leader of the People's Republic of China between 1949 to 1976. While vehemently propagating Marxist theory of class struggle and reinforcing class-consciousness into the Chinese mind, Mao's discursive construction of 'the New Communist Person' utilized and appropriated traditional Chinese values and rhetorical resources. Through rhetorical features such as metaphors, analogies, role models, and guilt redemption, Mao successfully persuaded many Chinese people to become selfless, loyal to the Party, and dedicated to the communist cause. I will identify and analyze these rhetorical features. I contend that while Mao's discourse has its moral appeal, it has also created a radical ideology and unrealistic illusion among the Chinese people. The forced self-criticism political ritual used to construct 'the new communist person' has brought humiliation to many Chinese intellectuals. Whereas Mao's legacy lives on in today's China, the discourse of 'the socialist core values', propagated by the current Chinese government has lost its rhetorical appeal due to ideological crisis.