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The chapter discusses antipolitics in modern Chinese culture, which became more pronounced in the aftermath of Mao's regime, to which it was largely a reaction. The author focuses in particular on the role of writer Wang Meng in articulating the widespread rejection of Maoist politicization, along with the influences of Tiananmen Square & the retreat of post-Mao leaders to orthodox Marxist determinism. Wang's repudiation of the Maoist universal politicization of culture is compelling, yet markedly devoid of an alternate program for positive political change. 64 References. K. Coddon

The chapter examines the origins of neo-Maoism & neoconservatism in late-20-century Chinese political culture. The post-Tiananmen Square quashing of ideological debate & democratizing reforms was insufficient to stem anxieties born of political & economic transition. State suppression of intellectual dissent created an ideological void that has been filled by neo-Maoism & neoconservatism; these in turn have served to foment nationalism & revive Communist Party legitimacy. 56 References. K. Coddon

Meideiros focuses on the present & future direction of China's nuclear doctrine, highlighting the importance of Chinese beliefs regarding the mission of nuclear weapons to the country's overall nuclear posture. Western writing on this subject is speculative, rarely scrutinizing Chinese writings, which provide rich detail on the development of & influences on China's nuclear doctrine, including growing intellectual activity in military academic research organizations. It is contended that China's doctrine centers on sufficiency to meet changing national security needs rather than minimum deterrence, which is generally thought to be the case. Possible indicators of future changes in China's nuclear doctrine are put forth, including redefinition of doctrinal concepts, discussions of focused nuclear targeting, & development of MIRV warheads, as well as the nature of China's responses to US missile defense plans for modernization. It is concluded that continuing research on Chinese views regarding nuclear & wartime signaling could greatly improve US prospects for maintaining stability in the region. J. Stanton

"This chapter will examine a fundamental dichotomy that has developed within the academic, technical and policy communities when it comes to understanding, advancing, and communicating work on cyberspace within global affairs. This distinct tendency today has technical cyber scholarship partially blind and deaf to important political ramifications while political cyber work remains partially illiterate and mute on cyberspace's technical complexity. This dichotomy not only exists as an intellectual barrier between scholars of the hard and social sciences, it impinges on progressive cooperation between the political and technical communities. Consequently, there is a gap weakening the scope and reach of theoretical and empirical work on cyberspace in general. Indeed, this problem has the potential to become exponentially larger in the immediate future: not only are real-world professionals and scholars having trouble building bridges between obvious mutual interests, but this 'Chinese knowledge wall' separates each group respectively. Just as phreaking involves a subculture of specialists who experiment and toy with telecommunication systems, the intellectual, technical, and governmental worlds need a new generation of 'phreak-scholars' who are adept at building connections between these diverse, inter-related knowledge bases." (author's abstract)