Suchergebnisse

Gotovo pola stoljeća urbano planiranje u Hrvatskoj razvijalo se u okviru socijalističkoga režima. Ono je tijekom toga razdoblja uglavnom imalo ulogu rješavanja hitnih problema razvoja socijalističkoga režima vezanih za prostor i omogućavanja gospodarskoga rasta. Ovaj članak analizira urbano planiranje u Hrvatskoj između 1944. i 1991. godine kroz osam aspekata: opću zadaću planiranja u promatranoj etapi, zakonsku regulativu, odnos prema društvenom planiranju, političkoinstitucionalnu odgovornost, utjecaj urbanih planera na planersku praksu, provedbu planova, sudjelovanje javnosti i odnos prema okolišu. Analizirani su arhivski podatci i literatura o zakonodavstvu i praksi urbanoga, prostornoga i društvenoga planiranja u SR Hrvatskoj, uključujući planerske časopise Arhitekturu i Čovjek i prostor, kao i plansku legislativu iz socijalističkoga razdoblja. Definirano je pet razvojnih etapa kroz koje je urbano planiranje doživjelo decentralizaciju od federalne do razine općine (komune) te napredak glede sudjelovanja javnosti i razmatranja utjecaja na okoliš. Također je analiziran razvoj planskih alata nastalih tijekom socijalističkoga razdoblja, a koji su ostali u upotrebi do danas. ; For almost half of a century, urban planning in Croatia took place under the socialist regime. During that time, it mostly played a role in addressing the pressing space-related issues of the development of socialist society, and in facilitating economic growth. In this paper, we examine urban planning in Croatia between 1944 and 1991 from eight aspects: the general roles of planning; legislation; relationship to societal planning; political-institutional responsibility; urban planners and policy; plan execution; public participation; and environmental concerns. We analysed archival data and literature on urban, spatial and societal planning legislation and practices in the Socialist Republic of Croatia, including the planning journals Arhitektura and Čovjek i prostor, and planning legislation from the socialist period. We outlined the five evolutionary phases over which urban planning experienced decentralisation from the federal to the communal level, advancements in public participation, and the involvement of environmental considerations in the decision-making process. We also studied the evolution of planning tools, which originated in the socialist period but remains in use today.

O razlozima iseljavanja iz Hrvatske do sada se najčešće pisalo s aspekta politike useljavanja u pojedine države, a manje politike iseljavanja iz domovine. Ovim se radom stoga žele pokazati razvojne faze iseljeničkoga režima u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji/Hrvatskoj, što će se pratiti preko angažmana mjerodavnih institucija u Hrvatskoj s posebnim naglaskom na ulogu Komisije za iseljenička pitanja. U analizi će poslužiti fondovi Hrvatskoga državnog arhiva vezani uz institucije (uprava i javne službe), pisma iseljenika za emisiju Radio-televizije Zagreb "Našim građanima u svijetu", kao i anketni upitnici radnika na privremenom radu u Saveznoj Republici Njemačkoj. Na temelju navedenih izvora želi se dokazati da se vlast u socijalističkoj Hrvatskoj brinula o sudbini iseljenika i povratnika, ali i radnih migranata (gastarbajtera), otvarajući prostor za ono što danas nazivamo javno-privatnim partnerstvom u pružanju usluga migrantima. ; The reasons for emigration from Croatia have thus far been analysed mostly from the aspect of immigration policy, but less often from the aspect of the policies of emigration to individual countries. Therefore, it was not even possible to monitor the continuity of Croatian policy towards the emigration, whose connections with previous periods significantly influenced the phases of emigration and return of the population in the socialist period. Precisely for this reason, the aim of this paper is to present a broader picture of the reaction of socialist Yugoslavia/Croatia to the emigration and the return of the population in the period from 1945 to 1970. This was monitored through the reactions of the government and the administrative apparatus (institutions and legislation), with special reference to the involvement of relevant institutions (administrations and public services) in Croatia, which played a key role in organising activities related to emigration and return. Among them, the Commission for Emigrant Issues stood out the most, having one of the more complex roles related to emigration/return observed through its scope, adopting normative acts, and cooperating with other institutions in Croatia (Croatian Heritage Foundation, Radio-Television Zagreb, Institute for Migration, Section of Social Psychology, University of Zagreb). Of particular interest was the cooperation with the last on the development of an emigrant survey, which was the beginning of sociological, economic, and socio-psychological research on the phenomenon of work outside the homeland (or guest worker experience). Based on the analysis, we prove that the government in socialist Croatia cared about the fate of emigrants and returnees by making room for what we now call public-private partnerships in providing services to emigrants—in other words, that emigration policy played an important role in building a welfare state in Yugoslavia/Croatia. Therefore, the approach to the topic was based on works in the field of social policy, while the analysis was made using the funds of the Croatian State Archives related to institutions (administrations and public services), letters from emigrants for the Radio-Television Zagreb show To Our Citizens in the World, and survey questionnaires for temporary workers in the Federal Republic of Germany.

Ova analiza vanjske politike socijalističke Jugoslavije, a posebno razdoblja vladavine Josipa Broza Tita, prvo je politološko razmatranje te teme nasuprot većini studija koja se njome bave iz historiografske perspektive. U prvom dijelu članka prikazani su glavni elementi analize vanjske politike, pri čemu se autor usredotočuje na odnos aktera i struktura kao jedan njezin element. U drugom dijelu prikazane su teorijske i metodološke postavke na kojima se zasniva analiza vanjske politike socijalističke Jugoslavije. Autor zaključuje da je proces odlučivanja o vanjskoj politici Jugoslavije evoluirao od 1945. do 1980. tako što je Tito, kao glavni donositelj odluka, sve više morao voditi računa o strukturi i raznim akterima unutar nje. Očita je bila sve veća pluralizacija procesa odlučivanja, kako na horizontalnoj razini, u interakciji Saveznog sekretarijata za inozemne poslove, partijskog vrha i Titova kabineta, tako i na vertikalnoj osi, kroz utjecaj republika i pokrajina na odlučivanje na saveznoj razini. Iako je ostao glavni donositelj odluka, Titovu su moć s vremenom znatno ograničili utjecaji drugih aktera, osobito otkako je sedamdesetih godina Predsjedništvo SFRJ dobilo mnoge ovlasti. ; Unlike the great majority of analyses that have taken the historiographic perspective, this study of socialist Yugoslavia's foreign policy, focusing on the Josip Broz Tito era, is the first of its kind to provide a perspective of political science. The first section of this article provides an overview of the main elements of foreign policy analysis, whereby the author focuses on the relationship between the actors and the structures as one of its inherent elements. The second section offers insight into the theoretical and methodological tenets on which the analysis of socijalist Yugoslavia's foreign policy resides. The author argues that the foreign-policy decision-making process in Yugoslavia evolved between 1945 and 1980 as Tito, the chief decision-maker, increasingly had to take into account the structure and the multiple actors within that structure. Evidently, the decision-making processes were becoming more and more pluralized both horizontally, in the interaction between the Federal Secretariat for Foreign Affairs, party leadership and Tito's cabinet, and vertically – as seen from the influence the republics and provinces hadon federal decision-making. Though he remained the chief decision-maker, with time Tito's power became limited by other actors' influence, in particular after the Presidency of Yugoslavia was given extensive authority in the 1970s.

The paper deals with the ideologically conditioned changes of cultural politics in socialist Yugoslavia in the first decade after the Second World War (1945-1955) and their influences on children's poetry. The sudden shift from party-controlled socialist realism towards freedom of (also ideologically established) scientific and artistic creativity has resulted in the artistic and ideological phenomenon that certain literary historians call socialist aesthetics. The paper will attempt to prove that the expression of this kind of aestheticism in children's literature is modern poetry for children. Ideas of creative freedom and general social modernism were reflected in the educational politics and social welfare of children and youth. All this is expressed in poetry that gives priority to play, primarily language play, humor, and imagination over direct pedagogical function. Such poetry has its roots in folk and European literary tradition, welcoming children's wishes and fears. It is emancipatory and simultaneously detached from many aspects of the reality of children's lives and children's status in society. Such poetry emerged in various ways and within various national cultures of the former socialist Yugoslavia, at the same time realizing similar, and in many ways, comparative aesthetic and social effects. ; Rad se bavi ideološki uvjetovanim promjenama kulturne politike u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji u prvom desetljeću poslije Drugoga svjetskog rata (1945. – 1955.) i njihovim utjecajima na dječju poeziju. Nagli zaokret od partijski kontroliranog socijalističkog realizma prema slobodi (također ideološki uspostavljenoj) znanstvenog i umjetničkog stvaralaštva rezultirao je umjetničko-ideološkim fenomenom koji pojedini povjesničari književnosti nazivaju socijalističkim estetizmom. Naš rad dokazuje da je izraz takvog estetizma u dječjoj književnosti moderna poezija za djecu. Ideje stvaralačke slobode i sveopćeg društvenog modernizma reflektirale su se i u prosvjetnoj politici i u društvenoj skrbi o djeci i mladima. Sve je to našlo svoj izraz u poeziji koja daje prednost igri, i to, prije svega, igri u jeziku, humoru i mašti nad izravnom pedagoškom funkcijom. Takva poezija ima svoje izvore i u narodnoj i u europskoj književnoj tradiciji, otvorena je za dječje želje i strahove, emancipacijska je, ali je istodobno i odijeljena od mnogih aspekata stvarnoga dječjeg života i položaja djeteta u društvu. Takva je poezija na različite načine nastajala unutar različitih nacionalnih kultura nekadašnje socijalističke Jugoslavije, istodobno ostvarujući slične i po mnogo čemu usporedive estetske i socijalne učinke.

Konstruiraju se i analiziraju modeli organizacije obavljanja dekoncentriranih poslova državne uprave na državnom teritoriju: model prenesenog djelokruga, funkcionalno fragmentirani model, personalno integrirani model i model organizacijske integracije.1 Kako bi se ispitala analitička vrijednost tih modela, teorijska analiza svakog od modela popraćena je prikazom organizacije obavljanja poslova državne uprave u postsocijalističkim zemljama koje su postale članice Europske unije proširenjima iz 2004. i 2007. čiji je teritorijalni sustav upravljanja dugo vremena karakterizirala intenzivna prisutnost (dekoncentrirane) državne uprave na teritoriju. Kako je uvjet pristupanja EU-u bilo jačanje lokalnih kapaciteta, očekuje se da će trendovi u institucionalnom razvoju organizacije obavljanja poslova državne uprave na teritoriju u tim zemljama uputiti na narav korelacije između jačanja lokalne samouprave i primijenjenog modela teritorijalne državne uprave. Zaključci se interpretiraju i u svjetlu razvoja teritorijalne državne uprave u Republici Hrvatskoj. ; The author develops models of how state administration tasks are performed within a particular state: the delegated affairs model, the functionally fragmented model, the personally integrated model, and the organisational integration model. In order to examine their analytical validity, a theoretical description of the models is accompanied by an overview of the territorial state administration in post-socialist countries that became EU members in 2004 and 2007, and which had previously been characterised by a dense network of territorial state administration. The models are differentiated by the level of integration of state bodies within the territorial unit. In the delegated affairs model, there are no state administrative bodies in the territory and administration tasks are carried out by local self-government units. This model is adopted in the Czech Republic. In the functionally fragmented model, state administration tasks are carried out by the territorial administrative units of central state bodies that operate separately in the territory. This model is adopted in Latvia and Lithuania. In the personally integrated model, the central state has its own representative in the territory (e.g. prefect, governor, voivode, or king's commissioner), who has certain powers in relation to the territorial administrative units, and thus the territorial units are more or less integrated in performing state administration tasks within the same territorial unit. This model is adopted in the majority of post-socialist countries (Bulgaria, Estonia, Poland, and Romania). In the organisational integration model, all state administration tasks are performed by a single territorial state body. This model is adopted in Hungary, Slovakia, and Slovenia. Since these countries had to develop local self-government capacities in order to become EU members, it is expected that trends in the institutional development of their territorial state administration might indicate a relationship between the growth of local capacities and the applied organisational model of territorial state administration. The conclusions are interpreted in the light of the development of territorial state administration in Croatia.

U članku se analiziraju načini na koje odabrani suvremeni umjetnici iz Rumunjske, Hrvatske i Srbije koriste vizualni jezik arhitektonskih maketa u svome radu. Nakon prikaza povijesti arhitektonskih maketa autorica se u prvim dvama dijelovima članka bavi umjetnicima koji koriste makete muzejâ suvremenih umjetnosti (Zlatko Kopljar, Radoš Antonijević, subREAL, Călin Dan, Iosif Kiraly, Mihai Balko i Irina Botea). Naglašava se razlika između muzeja suvremenih umjetnosti u post-socijalističkim zemljama i globalnih "muzeja moći" kao što su MoMA, Tate Modern ili Guggenheim. Treći dio članka bavi se dokumentarnim aspektom arhitektonskih maketa i dovodi radove Lane Stojićević u vezu s konceptom dokumentaliteta Hito Steyerl. Ističe se kako su makete, kao i sama arhitektura, označitelji ideologija, politika i društava koji ih grade. Suvremeni umjetnici često se bave zgradama koje su u procesu tranzicije izmijenjene, revitalizirane ili uništene, i stoga arhitektonske makete uključene u procese suvremene umjetnosti zahtijevaju dublju analizu. ; The paper analyses the ways in which selected contemporary artists from Romania, Croatia, and Serbia use the visual language of architectural scale models in their work. After presenting the history of architectural models, the first two parts of the paper focus on artists who use scale models of museums of contemporary art (Zlatko Kopljar, Radoš Antonijević, subREAL, Călin Dan, Iosif Kiraly, Mihai Balko, and Irina Botea). They emphasize the difference between museums of contemporary art in post-socijalist countries and the global "power-museums" such as MoMA, Tate Modern, or Guggenheim. The third part of the paper focuses on the documentary aspect of architectural models and relates Lana Stojićević's works to Hito Steyerl's concept of documentality. It is argued that the scale models, as architecture itself, are signifiers of the ideologies, politics, and societies that build them. Contemporary artists often focus on buildings that have been changed, revitalised, or destroyed in the transition process, and for this reason architectural models require a deeper analysis when included within contemporary art practices.

The text develops a new theoretical model for the analysis of post-socialist media systems in European third wave democracies. The five-dimensional theoretical framework of Hallin and Mancini (2004) is expanded with the approach of historical institutionalism and path dependency in order to explain the convergence and divergence of media systems in three key time periods. The model distinguishes between three distinctive historical periods in the development of media systems, consequences of three key critical historical junctures -- modernization and democratic revolutions in the 19th century, socialist period, and the post-socialist period of new democracies. Thus the analysis includes, in addition to the first period of modernization that is crucial in the development of media systems in Western Europe (Hallin and Mancini, 2004), for the first time and explicitly also the socialist period and the contemporary period of post-socialist democratic media systems. Adapted from the source document.

Narančasta revolucija u Ukrajini 2004. godine za prozapadno i prodemokratski orijentirane građane i Zapad tada je tumačena kao pobjeda demokracije u toj zemlji. Proruski orijentirano stanovništvo i Rusija predstavljali su je kao državni udar. Ovaj se rad bavi značenjem Narančaste revolucije za demokratizaciju Ukrajine. O stupnju realizacije njenih ciljeva govori se kroz prikaz izbornih događaja iz 2004,. naknadnih promjena vlasti i Druge revolucije. Posebna se pozornost poklanja političkom djelovanju Viktora Juščenka, Julije Timošenko i Viktora Janukoviča kao vođa političkih stranaka koje su najzaslužnije za provođenje ili odmak od ideja o demokratizaciji Ukrajine kojima je vođena Narančasta revolucija. ; Ukraine's "Orange Revolution" in 2004 was interpreted differently by the country's Western- and Eastern-oriented populations and by their international counterparts. The West saw it as a win for democracy, whereas the pro-Russian population and Russia presented it as a coup d'état. The present paper addresses the significance of the Orange Revolution in the democratization of Ukraine. The degree to which its goals have been realized is considered in the aftermath of the elections in 2004, the subsequent multiple changes in the government, and the Second Revolution. Special attention is paid to the political actions of Viktor Yushchenko, Yulia Tymoshenko, and Viktor Yanukovych, the leaders of the most prominent parties at the time. They were most responsible for realisation or the departure from the goals of democratization of Ukraine that motivated the Orange Revolution.