Suchergebnisse

Adapted from the source document.

The main idea of the article is to define and detect the changes in Lithuanian identity construction in relation to ethnic Other. For this reason, users' generated content, i.e. readers' comments as a polyphonic text created by the Lithuanian W2.0 community in response to the publications about Chinatowns and Chinese activities in Lithuania published in the popular national internet-portal DELFI.lt during 2006-2008 and 2013, is analyzed. The concept of orientalism that refers to a set of cultural practices and discourses usually defined as ethnocentrism, prejudicial stereotyping etc., is used for the interpretation of data. The main outcome of the research suggests that Lithuanian orientalism appears mainly as sinophobia which is not related to the actual number of Chinese settled in Lithuania. It may be also said that by actualizing Chinese "invasion" in Lithuania the mass media provoke the publicity of sinophobic sentiments. At present, de-actualization of the Chinese topic in the Lithuanian on-line mass media, on the one hand, and strengthening of the total legal control of the users' generated content, on the other hand, can be observed. In the context of the forced spread of political correctness in the (W2.0) public sphere both processes influenced a suppression of sinophobic sentiments in public more than actual changes in the national identity. Finally, it is possible to presume that the Lithuanian W2.0 public sphere is similar to the W2.0 public sphere of other democratic countries. It is closer to Mediterranean countries in its democratic quality of users' generated content, i.e. the national community mainly uses the W2.0 public sphere to reproduce hegemonic attitudes and express its frustration with the authorities instead of leading argumentative debates.

The main idea of the article is to define and detect the changes in Lithuanian identity construction in relation to ethnic Other. For this reason, users' generated content, i.e. readers' comments as a polyphonic text created by the Lithuanian W2.0 community in response to the publications about Chinatowns and Chinese activities in Lithuania published in the popular national internet-portal DELFI.lt during 2006-2008 and 2013, is analyzed. The concept of orientalism that refers to a set of cultural practices and discourses usually defined as ethnocentrism, prejudicial stereotyping etc., is used for the interpretation of data. The main outcome of the research suggests that Lithuanian orientalism appears mainly as sinophobia which is not related to the actual number of Chinese settled in Lithuania. It may be also said that by actualizing Chinese "invasion" in Lithuania the mass media provoke the publicity of sinophobic sentiments. At present, de-actualization of the Chinese topic in the Lithuanian on-line mass media, on the one hand, and strengthening of the total legal control of the users' generated content, on the other hand, can be observed. In the context of the forced spread of political correctness in the (W2.0) public sphere both processes influenced a suppression of sinophobic sentiments in public more than actual changes in the national identity. Finally, it is possible to presume that the Lithuanian W2.0 public sphere is similar to the W2.0 public sphere of other democratic countries. It is closer to Mediterranean countries in its democratic quality of users' generated content, i.e. the national community mainly uses the W2.0 public sphere to reproduce hegemonic attitudes and express its frustration with the authorities instead of leading argumentative debates.

The main idea of the article is to define and detect the changes in Lithuanian identity construction in relation to ethnic Other. For this reason, users' generated content, i.e. readers' comments as a polyphonic text created by the Lithuanian W2.0 community in response to the publications about Chinatowns and Chinese activities in Lithuania published in the popular national internet-portal DELFI.lt during 2006-2008 and 2013, is analyzed. The concept of orientalism that refers to a set of cultural practices and discourses usually defined as ethnocentrism, prejudicial stereotyping etc., is used for the interpretation of data. The main outcome of the research suggests that Lithuanian orientalism appears mainly as sinophobia which is not related to the actual number of Chinese settled in Lithuania. It may be also said that by actualizing Chinese "invasion" in Lithuania the mass media provoke the publicity of sinophobic sentiments. At present, de-actualization of the Chinese topic in the Lithuanian on-line mass media, on the one hand, and strengthening of the total legal control of the users' generated content, on the other hand, can be observed. In the context of the forced spread of political correctness in the (W2.0) public sphere both processes influenced a suppression of sinophobic sentiments in public more than actual changes in the national identity. Finally, it is possible to presume that the Lithuanian W2.0 public sphere is similar to the W2.0 public sphere of other democratic countries. It is closer to Mediterranean countries in its democratic quality of users' generated content, i.e. the national community mainly uses the W2.0 public sphere to reproduce hegemonic attitudes and express its frustration with the authorities instead of leading argumentative debates.

The main idea of the article is to define and detect the changes in Lithuanian identity construction in relation to ethnic Other. For this reason, users' generated content, i.e. readers' comments as a polyphonic text created by the Lithuanian W2.0 community in response to the publications about Chinatowns and Chinese activities in Lithuania published in the popular national internet-portal DELFI.lt during 2006-2008 and 2013, is analyzed. The concept of orientalism that refers to a set of cultural practices and discourses usually defined as ethnocentrism, prejudicial stereotyping etc., is used for the interpretation of data. The main outcome of the research suggests that Lithuanian orientalism appears mainly as sinophobia which is not related to the actual number of Chinese settled in Lithuania. It may be also said that by actualizing Chinese "invasion" in Lithuania the mass media provoke the publicity of sinophobic sentiments. At present, de-actualization of the Chinese topic in the Lithuanian on-line mass media, on the one hand, and strengthening of the total legal control of the users' generated content, on the other hand, can be observed. In the context of the forced spread of political correctness in the (W2.0) public sphere both processes influenced a suppression of sinophobic sentiments in public more than actual changes in the national identity. Finally, it is possible to presume that the Lithuanian W2.0 public sphere is similar to the W2.0 public sphere of other democratic countries. It is closer to Mediterranean countries in its democratic quality of users' generated content, i.e. the national community mainly uses the W2.0 public sphere to reproduce hegemonic attitudes and express its frustration with the authorities instead of leading argumentative debates.

The main idea of the article is to define and detect the changes in Lithuanian identity construction in relation to ethnic Other. For this reason, users' generated content, i.e. readers' comments as a polyphonic text created by the Lithuanian W2.0 community in response to the publications about Chinatowns and Chinese activities in Lithuania published in the popular national internet-portal DELFI.lt during 2006-2008 and 2013, is analyzed. The concept of orientalism that refers to a set of cultural practices and discourses usually defined as ethnocentrism, prejudicial stereotyping etc., is used for the interpretation of data. The main outcome of the research suggests that Lithuanian orientalism appears mainly as sinophobia which is not related to the actual number of Chinese settled in Lithuania. It may be also said that by actualizing Chinese "invasion" in Lithuania the mass media provoke the publicity of sinophobic sentiments. At present, de-actualization of the Chinese topic in the Lithuanian on-line mass media, on the one hand, and strengthening of the total legal control of the users' generated content, on the other hand, can be observed. In the context of the forced spread of political correctness in the (W2.0) public sphere both processes influenced a suppression of sinophobic sentiments in public more than actual changes in the national identity. Finally, it is possible to presume that the Lithuanian W2.0 public sphere is similar to the W2.0 public sphere of other democratic countries. It is closer to Mediterranean countries in its democratic quality of users' generated content, i.e. the national community mainly uses the W2.0 public sphere to reproduce hegemonic attitudes and express its frustration with the authorities instead of leading argumentative debates.

The main idea of the article is to define and detect the changes in Lithuanian identity construction in relation to ethnic Other. For this reason, users' generated content, i.e. readers' comments as a polyphonic text created by the Lithuanian W2.0 community in response to the publications about Chinatowns and Chinese activities in Lithuania published in the popular national internet-portal DELFI.lt during 2006-2008 and 2013, is analyzed. The concept of orientalism that refers to a set of cultural practices and discourses usually defined as ethnocentrism, prejudicial stereotyping etc., is used for the interpretation of data. The main outcome of the research suggests that Lithuanian orientalism appears mainly as sinophobia which is not related to the actual number of Chinese settled in Lithuania. It may be also said that by actualizing Chinese "invasion" in Lithuania the mass media provoke the publicity of sinophobic sentiments. At present, de-actualization of the Chinese topic in the Lithuanian on-line mass media, on the one hand, and strengthening of the total legal control of the users' generated content, on the other hand, can be observed. In the context of the forced spread of political correctness in the (W2.0) public sphere both processes influenced a suppression of sinophobic sentiments in public more than actual changes in the national identity. Finally, it is possible to presume that the Lithuanian W2.0 public sphere is similar to the W2.0 public sphere of other democratic countries. It is closer to Mediterranean countries in its democratic quality of users' generated content, i.e. the national community mainly uses the W2.0 public sphere to reproduce hegemonic attitudes and express its frustration with the authorities instead of leading argumentative debates.

Planned housing developments are a new phenomenon in post-Soviet cities – cities marked since 1989 by the rapid and wholesale transformation of housing markets, from a situation of overwhelmingly state-owned provision to the development of real estate markets. In this article I explore how this type of dwelling transforms urban space, reflecting the new provisions in the period, but also revealing a dual relationship with socialist space. Planned housing developments are characterised by the continuity of the 'soviet', i.e. by modern functionalist urbanism's architectural practices; but in their symbolic dimension such developments are also associated with an inversion of collective housing practices. This symbolic aspect of planned housing developments can be described in terms of privacy and sameness. In this article I argue that these housing practices are naturalised and affirmed as desirable through representations of space, including representations produced within marketing, mass media and the legal system. Drawing on the concepts of police, politics and the political developed by Rancière and Swyngedouw, the article raises the question of whether in post-socialist Vilnius these new developments indicate the consolidation of a post-political condition.

Planned housing developments are a new phenomenon in post-Soviet cities – cities marked since 1989 by the rapid and wholesale transformation of housing markets, from a situation of overwhelmingly state-owned provision to the development of real estate markets. In this article I explore how this type of dwelling transforms urban space, reflecting the new provisions in the period, but also revealing a dual relationship with socialist space. Planned housing developments are characterised by the continuity of the 'soviet', i.e. by modern functionalist urbanism's architectural practices; but in their symbolic dimension such developments are also associated with an inversion of collective housing practices. This symbolic aspect of planned housing developments can be described in terms of privacy and sameness. In this article I argue that these housing practices are naturalised and affirmed as desirable through representations of space, including representations produced within marketing, mass media and the legal system. Drawing on the concepts of police, politics and the political developed by Rancière and Swyngedouw, the article raises the question of whether in post-socialist Vilnius these new developments indicate the consolidation of a post-political condition.

Planned housing developments are a new phenomenon in post-Soviet cities – cities marked since 1989 by the rapid and wholesale transformation of housing markets, from a situation of overwhelmingly state-owned provision to the development of real estate markets. In this article I explore how this type of dwelling transforms urban space, reflecting the new provisions in the period, but also revealing a dual relationship with socialist space. Planned housing developments are characterised by the continuity of the 'soviet', i.e. by modern functionalist urbanism's architectural practices; but in their symbolic dimension such developments are also associated with an inversion of collective housing practices. This symbolic aspect of planned housing developments can be described in terms of privacy and sameness. In this article I argue that these housing practices are naturalised and affirmed as desirable through representations of space, including representations produced within marketing, mass media and the legal system. Drawing on the concepts of police, politics and the political developed by Rancière and Swyngedouw, the article raises the question of whether in post-socialist Vilnius these new developments indicate the consolidation of a post-political condition.

Planned housing developments are a new phenomenon in post-Soviet cities – cities marked since 1989 by the rapid and wholesale transformation of housing markets, from a situation of overwhelmingly state-owned provision to the development of real estate markets. In this article I explore how this type of dwelling transforms urban space, reflecting the new provisions in the period, but also revealing a dual relationship with socialist space. Planned housing developments are characterised by the continuity of the 'soviet', i.e. by modern functionalist urbanism's architectural practices; but in their symbolic dimension such developments are also associated with an inversion of collective housing practices. This symbolic aspect of planned housing developments can be described in terms of privacy and sameness. In this article I argue that these housing practices are naturalised and affirmed as desirable through representations of space, including representations produced within marketing, mass media and the legal system. Drawing on the concepts of police, politics and the political developed by Rancière and Swyngedouw, the article raises the question of whether in post-socialist Vilnius these new developments indicate the consolidation of a post-political condition.

The object of the investigation is the socialist system of accounting, its acievements and downfall. The goal of the investigation was to investigate the spreading of the soviet system of accounting in the people's democratic countries and the presumptions seeking to create the common unified system of socialist accounting. The paper describes the historical formation of socialist accounting principles; implementation of the soviet socialist accounting system in European people's democratic countries; peculiarities and achievements of the national systems of financial accounting of the countries.

The object of the investigation is the socialist system of accounting, its acievements and downfall. The goal of the investigation was to investigate the spreading of the soviet system of accounting in the people's democratic countries and the presumptions seeking to create the common unified system of socialist accounting. The paper describes the historical formation of socialist accounting principles; implementation of the soviet socialist accounting system in European people's democratic countries; peculiarities and achievements of the national systems of financial accounting of the countries.

The object of the investigation is the socialist system of accounting, its acievements and downfall. The goal of the investigation was to investigate the spreading of the soviet system of accounting in the people's democratic countries and the presumptions seeking to create the common unified system of socialist accounting. The paper describes the historical formation of socialist accounting principles; implementation of the soviet socialist accounting system in European people's democratic countries; peculiarities and achievements of the national systems of financial accounting of the countries.

The object of the investigation is the socialist system of accounting, its acievements and downfall. The goal of the investigation was to investigate the spreading of the soviet system of accounting in the people's democratic countries and the presumptions seeking to create the common unified system of socialist accounting. The paper describes the historical formation of socialist accounting principles; implementation of the soviet socialist accounting system in European people's democratic countries; peculiarities and achievements of the national systems of financial accounting of the countries.