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Socijalni, religiozni i domoljubni motivi u pjesništvu Vinka Nikolića ; Social, Religious and Patriotic Motives in Vinko Nikolić's Poetry
Sudbinu je književnika – prognanika, uz mnoge u hrvatskoj povijesti, doživio i Vinko Nikolić (1912. – 1997.), dugogodišnji urednik (47 godina!) "Hrvatske revije" koja je povezivala emigraciju s domovinom i pozivala na oprost i pomirbu svih Hrvata. Pjesnik mora i krša, kruha i vina, samoće i nostalgije, religioznih motiva, sjećanja na zavičaj i žudnje za slobodom i zajedništvom, Vinko Nikolić zaljubljenik je u hrvatsku riječ, utjelovljenjeje tragične sudbine hrvatskoga naroda, ali i primjer privrženosti i odanosti domovini. Iako su težina i neizvjesnost svakodnevnoga križa duboko utkani u Nikolićevo stvaralaštvo, pjesnik rijetko izražava sumnju u Božje postojanje i u njegovu pomoć. Od molitvenih obiteljskih susreta do Križnoga puta i prognaničkih dana Krist mu je stalni suputnik (i supatnik). U životnom su mu hodu družice tjelesne i duševne patnje, gorčina, egzistencijalna zebnja, nostalgija i čežnja za zavičajem, ali i snažno domoljublje. U svojim se zahvalnicama, pokajnicama, psalmičkim i prozbenim pjesmama utječe Kristu i Majci Božjoj za pomoć. Sanja i vjeruje u povratak u Hrvatsku. Ritam njegovih pjesama nerijetko podsjeća na naše drevne bugarštice, a slobodni su mu stihovi misaoni, referencijalni i apelativni. Svakodnevni život i stvaralački opus pjesnika i kritičara, esejista i urednika, profesora i nakladnika V. Nikolića dobio je novi sadržaj odlaskom u progonstvo, ali je, srećom, nakon demokratskih promjena oplemenjen povratkom svojemu izvoru te su se Nikolićeva ljubav i žrtva, vjera i nada, bogoljublje i čovjekoljublje duboko ukorijenili u hrvatsku književnu tradiciju. ; Vinko Nikolić (1912 – 1997), the long-time editor (47 years!) of the "Croatian Review", also experienced the fate of the writer – displaced person like so many others in Croatian historythat linked emigration with the Croatian homeland and called for forgiveness and reconciliation of all Croats. A poet of the sea and rocky landscape, bread and wine, loneliness and nostalgia, religious motives, memories of the homeland and the longing for freedom and community, Vinko Nikolić is in love with the Croatian word, and is the embodiment of the tragic fate of the Croatian people but also an example of devotion and loyalty to his homeland. Even though the weight and uncertainty of the daily cross are deeply woven into Nikolić's body of work,the poet rarely expresses doubts about the existence of God and his help. From family prayer meetings to the Way of the Cross and days of exile, Christ is his constant companion (and fellow sufferer). His companions along his life journey are physical and mental suffering, bitterness, existential anxiety, nostalgia and longing for the homelaand, but also a strong patriotism. In his prayers of gratitude and repentance, and his psalm-like and suppliation poems, he calls on Christ and Mother Mary for help. He dreams of and believes in his return to Croatia. The rhythm of his poems is often reminiscent of our ancient bugaršticas and his blank verses are thoughtful, referential and appellative. The everyday life and creative work of this poet and critic, essayist and editor, professor and publisher, received new content with his going into exile, but fortunately, after the democratic changes, was enriched by his return to his origin, and Nikolić's love and sacrifice, faith and hope, love for God and humaneness are deeply rooted in the Croatian literary tradition.
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Martin Nimira Rabljanin, Propovijed o muci Gospodnjoj (Rim, nakon 3. travnja 1494) ; Martin Nimira of Rab, The Sermon on the Passion of our Lord (Rome, After April 3, 1494)
Na Veliki petak 1494, 28. ožujka, u Sikstinskoj kapeli, pred papom Aleksandrom VI. (Borgiom) i članovima papinskog dvora rapski arhiđakon Martin Nimira održao je – dakako, na latinskom – propovijed o Muci; njezinu je pisanu verziju u travnju iste godine u Rimu tiskao Eucharius Silber. Propovijedati pred papom za vrijeme mise značajan je društveni uspjeh; objaviti održanu propovijed dodatno ističe njezinu važnost; pa ipak, Nimirin su život i djelo do danas u povijesti hrvatske i novolatinske književnosti neistraženi. Donijet ću ovdje osnovne podatke o Nimiri, društvenom kontekstu njegove propovijedi, o strukturi tog djela i njegovim kurijalno-humanističkim obilježjima te recepciji (knjižicu je posjedovao Marko Marulić, a 1522. nekoliko je Nimirinih stranica u svoje djelo uvrstio Giovanni Mercurio da Vipera). ; On Good Friday 1494, Martin Nimira, archdeacon of Rab and scion of a wellregarded Rab family, delivered a sermon on the Passion to Pope Alexander VI and members of the papal curia. After April 3 that same year the sermon was printed in Rome by Eucharius Silber. Nimira built his career in the Papal States of Italy as a client of the cardinal of Siena Francesco Todeschini Piccolomini (1439–1503); some years earlier, in March 1487, Nimira had already preached before the Roman cardinals, on the feast of Saint Thomas Aquinas in the Dominican church of Santa Maria sopra Minerva. Nimira's known writings and activities (a poetic prayer for the health of the cardinal Todeschini Piccolomini Hecatosticum carmen ad Christum optimum maximum pro cardinalis Senensis salute, perhaps in 1488; his copyediting of the Politics of Aristotle translated by Leonardo Bruni and commented on by Thomas Aquinas and Ludovico Valenza, 1492) suggest Nimira was a curial humanist, dependent on the patronage of the Roman court and its cardinals. Nimira's sermon on the Passion, in the printed edition dedicated to the cardinal Bernardin López de Carvajal (d. 1523), bishop of Cartagena, Spain, displays Nimira's learning, his command of theological, philosophical and lyrical registers of expression, as well as oratorical elegance and a readiness to adopt Cicero's rhetorical models (sentences from speeches Against Verres 2, 5, For Publius Quinctius and For Aulus Cluentius, as well as the famous fragment of Gaius Gracchus reported by Cicero in On the Orator). The sermon has an introduction, two main parts, and a short closing prayer for God's mercy, especially to the Pope. The first part is philosophical (in Nimira's words, stemming from ingenium), the second part lyrical (arising from pietas). The philosophical part considers the necessity of Christ's Passion and death, touching also on the suffering of the good and the success of the evil in this world, while the lyrical part shows how Christ suffered and died. There is a prosopopoeia of the Virgin Mary, and the piercing of Christ's body is seen as the culmination of his suffering. The Jews (including Judas Iscariot) are presented as the main enemies, their faith as utterly wrong and depraved (confirmation is presented in a collage of biblical quotes), and the piercing of Christ's body is seen as their most terrible crime. The extremely strong antisemitic tone of Nimira's sermon might have been set partly by the tradition of the liturgical Improperia as part of the observance of the Passion, partly by the rhetorical need to contrast blame (of the Jews) and praise (of Christ), but possibly also by the antisemitic leanings in the circle of Nimira's acquaintances: these must have included Antonio Lollio, the secretary of the cardinal Todeschini Piccolomini, who had already in 1486 composed another highly antisemitic sermon before the Pope, and the Dominican Paolo Moneglia from Genova, who as the magister Sacri palatii chose Nimira as the preacher for the Good Friday of 1494; in April of the same year Moneglia was appointed inquisitor of the March of Genoa, which was under strain because of the influx of large numbers of Sephardic Jews and Marranos expelled from Spain and Sicily (later, in Rome in 1498, Moneglia led a spectacular auto da fé of several hundred Marranos in front of St. Peter's Basilica). The success of Nimira's sermon can be inferred from the privileges granted to his family by the cardinal Todeschini Piccolomini later in 1494, from the relatively large number of printed copies of Nimira's small book that survive today (32 in public libraries), from the record of Nimira's preaching in the diaries of Johannes Burchard, papal Master of Ceremonies, and from those who read Nimira's sermon during the Renaissance: we know that a copy of the sermon was owned by Marko Marulić, and that Giovanni Mercurio da Vipera (bishop of Bagnoregio 1523–1527) quoted extensively from the philosophical part of the sermon in his Contra a recto divini cultus itinere aberrantes (Rome 1522). We present an edition of Nimira's sermon following a digital facsimile of a copy in Bavarian State Library. In the edition, the abbreviations are expanded, orthographic variants of ae, u and i are removed, the punctuation is modernized, the spelling and capitalization standardized. Nimira's explicit and implicit textual sources are identified wherever possible.
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Marica Stanković - zatvorske bilješke iz Dnevnika ; Marica Stanković – prison records from Diary
Životnim opredjeljenjem za Krista, širenjem i svjedočenjem Radosne vijesti Marica Stanković mnogo je putovala i pisala, držala brojna predavanja. Za vjernički apostolat u svjedočenju Papa Pijo XII. odlikovao ju je 1943. god. crkvenim odličjem "Pro Ecclesia et Pontifice – Za Crkvu i Papu". Uz brojne članke po mnogim časopisima pisala je i knjige, meditacije i druge tekstove te nam tako ostavila svjedočanstvo o svome katoličkom odgojnom radu osobito među ženskom mladeži. Velika većina njenih tekstova nije objavljena za njezina života, osobito ona koja su napisana u vremenu nakon Drugog svjetskog rata. Tek nakon sloma komunističkog režima djela Marice Stanković su nam postala dostupna, neka tiskana a neka su još uvijek u ruko- pisu te nam daju poticaj za istraživanje pisane riječi ove učiteljice, istaknute katoličke aktivistice. Svojim dnevničkim zapisima o robijaškim danima u kaznionici u Požegi ostavlja nam u baštinu i zalog pisani trag prema kojem možemo donekle saznati kroz kakvu torturu su prolazile zatvorenice pa i drugi osuđenici zatvoreni zbog svojih političkih i vjerskih uvjerenja. Zbog svojih kršćanskih uvjerenja i velikog odgojnog utjecaja na mladež komunističke vlasti su je osudile na montiranom procesu na pet godina robije koje je provela od 1947. do 1952. u logoru u Požegi. Na suđenju je hrabro uzviknula "Živio Krist Kralj, živio Papa, živjela kršćanska Europa!", potom je s djevojkama s kojima je bila zajedno suđena nakon pročitane presude svečano u sudnici zapjevala: "Christus vincit, Christus regnat, Christus imperat – Krist vlada, Krist pobjeđuje, Krist vječno kraljuje." ; Guided by apostolic zeal in spreading Christ's Kingdom, Marica Stanković much traveled and wrote, held numerous lectures and everywhere witnessed in favor of Christ. The Pope Pius XII awarded her, in 1943, the Church medal "Pro Ecclesia et Pontifice - For the Church and the Pope." In addition to numerous articles that she had written in many magazines, she also published books, meditations and other texts, through which she thus left to us a testimony of her Catholic educational work especially among female youth. The vast majority of her texts were not published during her life, especially the ones that were written in the aftermath of World War II. It was not before the collapse of the communist regime that the works of Marica Stanković became available to us, some typed while the others were still available as manuscripts; thus giving us an additional initiative to explore the written word of this teacher, the prominent Catholic activist. The entries in her diary, dating back to her penal days in the Pozega prison, left rich heritage and memories of the severity of torture that the prisoners were subjected to, the prisoners jailed due to their political and/or religious beliefs. Due to her Christian beliefs and the great educational impact she had on the younger population, the communist authorities sentenced her to a five year imprisonment, which she was forced to serve from 1947 to 1952 in the Pozega camp. During the trial, she bravely cried "Long live Christ the King, long live the Pope, lived Christian Europe!". Along with the girls who were also condemned and prosecuted there, after having heard the final verdict, all solemnly sang: "Christus vincit, Christus Regnat, Christus imperat."
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CRKVE SV. VIDA NA KLISU I SV. MARIJE U BLIZNI GORNJOJ Prilog proučavanju vladarske predromaničke arhitekture IX. stoljeća ; THE CHURCHES OF ST VITUS AT KLIS AND OF ST MARY IN BLIZNA GORNJA A Contribution to the Study of Royal pre-Romanesque Architecture of the 9th Century
Autor u radu donosi prikaz dviju vladarskih crkava iz IX. st. slična ustroja s westwerkom. Uz obje crkve pronađeni su ulomci kamene plastike s dedikacijskim natpisom, od kojih jedan spominje župana a drugi kraljicu. Na Klisu je pronađena ploča s reljefom na temu Majestas Domini. Obje crkve spadaju u privatne crkve, tzv. eigenkirche, što upućuje na novi način franačke organizacije teritorija s utvrđivanjem feudalnog posjeda (Ordensburgen). ; The remains of churches that have been found and are discussed in the text can reliably be ascribed to the chapel of the long-sought Trpimir residence at Klis and the pre-Romanesque stratum of the church dedicated to the BVM at the cemetery of the village of Blizna Gornja in the Trogir hinterland. The find of sculpture and texts written on the altar screens show that in both cases these were churches of members of the medieval ruling elite: the church in Blizna Gornja can be connected with the župan of the županija of Drid, and the chapel in Klis directly with the ruler of Croatia. The existence of a medieval church at Klis is strongly supported by investigations of the walls, which showed that a large number of marble fragments of ecclesiastical stone architectural decoration from the 9th to the 12th century were incorporated into the building of the mosque. Among the fragments there are pilasters, plutei and the trabeation of an altar screen from the early Middle Ages, while the whole of the medieval material is built into the walls of the mosque above its floor level. In the western wall four marble fragments of architraves of an altar screen with parts of an inscription were found, one fragment of a marble architrave of a pluteus and a pilaster with the base of a pillar of the screen. All the fragments of this carving were made of Proconesian marble and were incorporated in such a way that the decorations and inscriptions were not to be seen. The fragments belonged to the septum and contain typical pre-Romanesque interlacing motifs, pretzels, and the parts of an inscription are carved on a ribbon of the trabeation of the altar screen below the characteristic hook decoration. Fragments of the trabeation contain parts of an inscription about a ruler that mentions the royal family, and on an architrave of the altar screen of the church in Klis that has been found, for the first time the title of queen is mentioned. The parts of the altar screen found with interlacing ornamentation of the 9th century belong to a pilaster with interlacing and an architrave of the pluteus with interlacing ornamentation and four fragments of the architrave of the altar screen with parts of a royal inscription. The fragments contain wording with the royal formula: ORUM FILIU(S)., MEA DOM(N)A S(C)LAVA REGINA. Although these are detached pieces, it is very clear that they are part of a single inscription in which the wife of the ruler or king is mentioned. It is clear in this part of the text that the wife of the ruler is called regina, from which it can be concluded that her husband, the subject of the inscription, is a ruler who bears the title of rex. It is important to point out also that she is addressed as domna, and that analogously to this her husband must have been addressed as dominus. From these titles, the votive inscription of the church in Klis might have belonged to a ruler of the middle of the 9th century, probably to Trpimir himself, the only ruler of that time who is mentioned together with the title of king, probably attained through victory in the war with the nation of the Greeks, as reported by the Saxon Gottschalk. And the fragment of the first part of the inscription contained this very title of the ruler (REX SCLAV)ORUM FILIU(S). This would be supported by the inscription in the Cividale Gospel, where Trpimir is signed as »domno Trepimiro«, and the title of his wife really could have been DOMNA SCLAVA REGINA, as this is read from the wording on the architrave of the altar screen. As well as the described parts of the septum, during works on the renovation of the Church of St Vitus a slab with a relief was found built flat as a building stone in the annular wall of the tambour. This fragment of early medieval figural sculpture of Proconesian marble shows Christ in Glory. Preserved from the composition featuring the topic Majestas Domini in the Klis relief is the central figure of Christ in a mandorla and an angel on his right hand side. Christ is shown down to the waist, his right hand raised in blessing, while in the left hand he holds a scroll with the Gospels. The relief from the Klis Church of St Vitus, though modest in its dimensions, might have belonged to the lintel of a portal of an early medieval church, although according to the mortise on the upper part it could equally well be supposed to have been a fragment of some stone furnishing that consisted of pillars and beams. The visual treatment of the relief of the linearly grooved surfaces that suggest folds of clothing, the manner of treatment of the figures with single incision of the features with expressive underlined eyes, the hatched curls of the hair and the particularly characteristic handling of the nose reveal the hand of the skilled mason who made the relief. As for the origin of the relief of the church in Klis, the finding of the medieval royal church in the foundations of the Church of St Vitus and the confirmation of the existence of a fortified royal court at the site of Klis Fort are sufficient warrant that it originally came from Klis. From this it could well be hypothesised that the relief of Christ from the church in Klis belongs to a separate sculptural unit, directly related to this site. Extensive archaeological and conservation-restoration excavations in 1999-2000 preceded the thoroughgoing renovation of the Church of St Mary in Blizna Gornja. Against expectations, the pre-Romanesque architecture of a ruler from the 9th century was found in them, belonging through their form among the few specimens of pre-Romanesque churches with external buttresses of semicircular cross-section. Like similar examples, the Church of St Saviour at the source of the Cetina and the church at Lopuška glava, Biskupija, by Knin, the Church of St Mary in Blizna had a forecourt in front of the main elevation. An external staircase led to the first floor, over which there was probably a tower, as in examples of similar churches with a westwork. In the forecourt of the church the lid of a Roman period sarcophagus used as a gravestone was found. The find of the sarcophagus lid and many fragments of stone sculptural decoration of the 9th century in marble and limestone show that the Church of St Mary was richly endowed and equipped. One of the fragments contains the name and title of the donor: .ANVSIV[panv]S, for which reason it is assumed to have belonged to an altar screen put up by a Croatian magnate, mostly likely a župan. Numerous fragments of trabeation have been found, the beams of which were marble, while the arched tegurium was made of limestone. Fragments of marble plutei and pilasters of the altar screen, as well as pillars with capitals found around the church belong in their form to the sculptural art of the 9th century. Fragments found are enough for the reconstruction of the original appearance of the screen and for an understanding of the inscriptions in the field of the lower part of the gable and the architraves. The inscription is a typical intercession, in which the prayer is addressed to Our Lady and to St John the Baptist, asking for their intercession with Christ, for the salvation of his soul, and the following reading can be proposed: .[pe]R I[nte]RCOESSIONEM BEATE ET GLORIO[se matri]S D[e]I GE[netricis apud Christum satvatOREm SCTAe Mariae] ET BEATI IO[hannis Baptistae] OP[vs] E[dificavit] pro animae suae[reme]DIO V[otum complevit Prod]ANVS IV[ppanu]S. According to the inscription on the septum the church would have been dedicated to St Mary like many of the churches of that time in the early of medieval Croatia, in Golubić, Ostrovica, Biskupija, Gradec, Pađeni and Lepuri. But the inscription relates it in a particular way via the intercession of Mary and John to Christ, to whom the intercession is addressed. The permeation of the contents by the theme of the Madonna's intercession (i.e. the Deisis), typically Byzantine iconography on the one hand and the Sanctus written in the spirit of the revived Roman liturgy on the screens of churches in Trogir as well as the churches of the Croatian župans in the hinterland and on the islands suggest something of their specific political position in the second half of the 9th century at the border between the tradition of the East and the new influences coming from the West. The question arises as to who the donor of the church of St Mary in Blizna Gornja was. Only the ending of the name and the beginning of the title in the letters IV[ppanu]S are in existence. From this it can be assumed that the church was put up by a župan, and his name, which ends with the letters.ANUS, might be Stephanus or, more likely, it was part of some Croatian name that is borne in the documents by the župans, like Branus or Prodanus. According to the results of the most recent research, St Mar in Blizna is a votive church of a Croatian magnate put up in the middle of the 9th century on the remains of an ancient villa that was part of his estate. Analysis of the architecture confirms this. The oldest archaeological stratum found at the site is the remainder of a wall of the later Roman period, probably from the 6th century, in front of the forecourt of the church. This stratum is insufficiently investigated, but it belonged to a building of much greater size than the pre-Romanesque Church of St Mary. The early medieval stratum, of the 9th century, lays claim to the foundations of the church, of a simple rectangular ground plan with semicircular buttresses, and the shallowly founded apse on the bedrock might be a building of later time. A very good state of preservation is exhibited by the walls of the pre-Romanesque building that bound the ground plan, the beginning of the staircase of the atrium, its western and southern doors, while in the interior of the atrium, in front of the façade of the church, a cylindrical sarcophagus lid has been found. The two-storey court, the chapel of the pre-Romanesque church and its undoubtedly funerary purpose in the ground floor part are known in the literature as westwork, and their finding at the site of Blizna Gornja suggests there was a very strong influence from the Carolingian court on the Croatian ruling and aristocratic stratum of the 9th century, to which, along with the actual rulers, it was primarily the župans that belonged. The Church of St Mary on the current graveyard of the village of Blizna Gornja was, then, the church of a magnate, who in his name has the ending anus, most probably Prodan (Prodanus?) or Bran (Branus?) rather than Stjepan (Stephanus), a župan of the županija of Drid of the middle of the 9th century, for at that time along with the titular functions of the Croatian župans their Slavic names were regularly given. This is a typical example of a private church (Eigenkirche), a new legal institution of the Frankish type, put up on the foundations of a renovated Roman period villa, the feudal property of the lord, who used it for ceremonial purposes, as well as a private funeral chapel for him and the members of his immediate family, and hence it was forbidden to bury members of the community at large in its vicinity. Among the process that took hold of Europe in the post-Carolingian period an important place is occupied by the construction of fortified manors, which from the 9th to the 12th century totally changed the image of early medieval Europe. The Croatian ruler, who was at first directly subject to Aquileia, the Frankish ecclesiastical centre in Friuli, must have been directly impressed by the construction of the fortified estates of the marquisate of Friuli, for it was from here that Frankish missionaries arrived in Croatia. Its connection with Frankish church centre even after the abolition of the marquisate in 828 is shown by the pilgrimages of Croatian dukes and their families to the Benedictine monastery of Cividale during the whole of the 8th century. Einhard's Annales mentioned Borna's forts in Dalmatia, into which the duke retreated before the attack of Ljudevit Posavski. Trpimir's royal residence is mentioned in a deed of gift of his of 852. There is an obvious difference in the name of the ruler's residence of Trpimir's time, as mentioned in two texts: one mentions villa nostra, the other curte nostra. The mentioned curtis in the document is called Clusa, which implies the name of the fortress of Klis, which for the whole of its history was in strategic control of the approach to the sea, to ancient Salona and the city of Split. Unlike Klis, which is called a curtis, the name of the villa from the Gottschalk text is not recorded, and it might be to do with some residential complex in the Salona area, or perhaps some place very close to Klis, such as Rižnice, in which Trpimir, wishing to make contrition for his sins, built a monastery and church after the war, at the time of the normalisation of relations with the Romans. The fact is that the concepts of villa and curtis appear at the same time in the mid-9th century in the context of the formation of feuds and manors, although there may be some fundamental difference concealed in them. One and the other may be related to the ruler's residence. The concept of curtis in this sense can be found afterwards, among many examples of the 11th century, when the king's curtis of Rogovi on the lower slopes of the hill by Biograd, or the curtes of the imperial protospatar and ban Stjepan Uitula, Nova sella and Butina ues, as well as many others related to the names of their owners, like that of Vlkomir and Preda in Žrnovnica or Tješen on Brač. Still, in the light of the new research, the curte nostra, quae Clusan dicitur mentioned in Trpimir's deed of gift should be looked at in a completely different context, not only as an estate but also as the residential complex of a feudal ruler.
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Marija među nama - provincijski glasnik kao pokušaj književnih izričaja Školskih sestara franjevki u Bosni ; Marija među nama – Provincial newsletter as an attempt at literary expression of Franciscan school sisters in Bosna
U radu se najprije ukratko ukazuje na nastanak Družbe Školskih sestara franjevki Krista Kralja te Bosansko-hrvatske provincije Prečistog Srca Marijina sa sjedištem u Sarajevu utemeljene ratne 1942. Redovnice ove Provincije uslijed represija komunističke vlasti nisu bile u mogućnosti posvetiti se vlastitoj karizmi: odgoju i obrazovanju, posebno mladih i siromašnih, ali većom demokratizacijom političke vlasti sedamdesetih i osamdesetih godina 20. stoljeća šire svoje pastoralno djelovanje. Vrlo važnu ulogu u tom procesu vraćanja svojstvenoj karizmi i njezinog očuvanja imalo je i provincijsko glasilo Marija među nama. U pojedinim primjercima toga lista između ostalog su i brojni sestarski literarni pokušaji koji svjedoče u prilog svjesnosti zajednice o važnosti pisane riječi. Redovnice u danim okolnostima nisu imale doticaj s književnim strujanjima toga doba, a ni ranijim. Stoga se u radu neće prosuđivati umjetnička vrijednost zapisanoga, niti će ga se uspoređivati s književnim dostignućima toga razdoblja, nego će se napraviti formalna i tematska raščlamba tekstova. ; The paper primarily indicates a history of formation of the congregation of the Franciscan School Sisters of Christ the King and the Bosnian-Croatian province of the Immaculate Heart of Mary in Sarajevo, founded in 1942. The Second World War and the post-war period affected worst the congregation, where all the provinces suffered relatively heavy losses. The sisters of the Bosnian-Croatian province as a result of the repression of the communist authorities were not able to devote the proper charism: education, especially of the young and the poor. However, higher democratization of political regime in the 70th and 80th they increase their pastoral work. Very important role in the process of returning to the main charisma and its preservation had Marija među nama – a newsletter in the community. In some copies of that paper, among other things, are also numerous literary attempts sent by sisters from all over the province. These texts testifying in support of community awareness of the importance of the written word. Sisters in the circumstances did not have contact with the literary currents of the time, and not earlier ones. Therefore, this paper will not judge artistic value on record, nor will it be compared to literary achievements of that period, but it will make a formal and thematic analysis of texts.
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LEPANTSKA BITKA I POMORSKI RATOVI S TURCIMA 1571./1572. NA GRAFIKAMA MARTINA ROTE KOLUNIĆA ; DIE SCHLACHT BEI LEPANTO (1571) AUF DEN GRAPHIKEN VON MARTIN ROTA-KOLUNIĆ
Šibenski grafičar Martin Rota-Kolunić (rođen oko 1540. djeluje u Veneciji, Rimu, Beču i Pragu, gdje je umro prije 23. rujna 1583) izveo je u Veneciji 1571. i 1572. niz grafika koje dokumentarno ili simbolički opisuju sklapanje "Svete Lige", bitku kod Lepanta i pomorski rat s Turcima tih godina. U ovom članku prikazani su i kratko interpretirani svi poznati Rotini listovi na tu temu, od kojih neki do sad nisu bili objelodanjeni. ; Eines der größten politischen Ereignisse im 16. Jahrhundert war Seeschlacht bei Lepanto am 7. 10. 1571. in der die türkische Armee die erste valkommende Niederlage erlitten hat. Die Schlacht wurde auf vielen künstlerischen Werken aus dieser Zeit dergestellt Die graphischen Blätter haben die glückliche Siegesnachricht in das breite Publikum zerstreut. Dabei entstanden populäre Flugblätter, aber auch großformatige Kupferstiche und Radierungen, die einen mehr elitären graphischen Charakter besitzen. Martin Rota-Kolunic (Sibenik, um 1540. - Prag, vor. 23. 9. 1853) fertigte in Venedig um 1571/1572 eine Reihe Blätter an, die auch diesem Ereignis gewidmet sind. Unter ihnen befinden sich drei, die schon im großen Nachschlagwerk über "deutsche illustrierte Flugblätter" von W. HARMS (1980) ausführlich behandelt wurden, aber auch einige, die, meines Wissens, zum ersten Mal heir veröffentlicht werden. Auf seinen Kupferstichen und Radierungen dokumentiert Rota die wichtigen Momente aus der Geschichte und Vorgeschichte der Schlacht: das Entstehen des "Heiligen Bundes" die Schlachtordnung der Schiffe, und die Schlacht selbst, die Verbündeten mit Viktorien und Siegespalmen nach dem Sieg (Abb. 2). Auf zwei Blättern zeigt er die Belagerung der peloponnesischen Stadt Modone, und auf einem Blatt, wahrscheinlich auch auch dieser Zeit, die Seeschlacht zwizchen drei Malteser und sechs türkischen Galeeren. Die Graphiken Rotas stellen einen besonders vertvollen Teil der umfangreichen Flugblätterproduktion zu diesem Thema in Venedig dar, denn sie sind das Werk eines soliden und sicheren Zeichners. Auf ihnen, insbesondere auf den drei Allegorien, zeigt Rota seine, an der populären Flugblattproduktion gemessen, überdurchschnittliche Kraft der Erfindung und Imagination. Seinen Blättern ist neben der dokumentierenden, auch eine moralisierende Dimension immanent: sie feiern die göttliche Hilfe, die den Christen zum Sieg verholfen hat, ermahnen aber auf eitere Einigkeit bei den christlichen Verbündeten. Gleichzeitig wird auf ihnen die täuflische Verderbtheit des Feindes angeprangert.
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FUNKCIJA, FORMA, TRADICIJA - KRALJEVSKA KAPELA KOLOMANA UČENOG U SAMOSTANU SV. MARIJE U ZADRU ; FUNCTION, FORM AND TRADITION: ROYAL CHAPEL OF COLOMAN THE LEARNED IN THE MONASTERY OF ST. MARY IN ZADAR
Ponovnim razmatranjem formalnih značajki sklopa zvonika i kapitularne dvorane samostana sv. Marije u Zadru otvara se pitanje njegove izvorne funkcije, odnosno smisao Kolomanovog graditeljskog pothvata 1105. godine. Prijedlog rješenja problema jest funkcija kraljevske kapele, na sto- osim same arhitektonske koncepcije- ukazuju i liturgijsko- ikonografski, te povijesno- politički kontekst gradnje. Vraćajući se formalno-stilskim problemima, ovakva interpretacija Kolomanovog sklopa pruža odgovore na pitanja o širenju određenih arhitektonskih i dekorativnih oblika sa zapadne na istočnu jadransku obalu, te dalje u unutrašnjost pod jurisdikcijom ugarske crkve. ; Erection of the architectural ensemble consisting of the chapter house and the bell tower in the precinct of the nunnery of St. Mary in Zadar represents a turning point in the architectural practice of medieval Dalmatia, featuring for the first time elements of the High Romanesque style. Question of the function of this architecture, related to Hungarian king Coloman and his military campaign in Dalmatia in 1105, has not, however, been discussed so far. The form of a private chapel, that is, a hall joined by an axial bell tower with a gallery on the first floor, indicates an initial function for the private, in this case royal, liturgy. Such interpretation is supported by the architectural articulation and decorative programme of the western gallery (featuring an inscription with the name of the king), and the reconstruction of the external access to the gallery indicating a user who was not a member of the monastic community. In addition, liturgical and iconographic aspects, together with political context of Coloman's architectural intervention provide more evidence for such a use of the gallery. The iconography of the wall paintings in the gallery corresponds not only to the usual iconography of the western complexes, but also to the liturgy of laudes regiae by appearance of the same saintly figures: Christ the Saviour, Virgin Mary, John the Baptist and Archangel Gabriel. The mention of the palace built by Coloman in Zadar, provided by a 14th-century Hungarian chronicle, gives another indication of king's presence in the city, and therefore of the need for the royal chapel. Returning to the question of style, the interpretation of the complex as the royal chapel offers answers for several problems concerning the circulation of decorative and architectural forms in the region, both as the model for and the further influence of the chapel. The form was determined by its function in terms of the symbolic importance it had for its contemporaries. On the basis of the stylistic similarity, but also the symbolic compatibility, the "Contarini" phase (consecrated in 1094) of St. Mark's in Venice is established as the model for the decoration of Coloman's chapel. Diffusion of forms (cubic capitals, frieze of heart-shaped palmettes, and cross-ribbed vaulting) from Zadar to Dalmatia and to the continent under direct Hungarian ecclesiastical jurisdiction, provides a more complex picture. Firstly, one can discern the immediate and continuous influence visible in the city of Zadar (St. Thomas, St. Mary Maior, the cathedral). Furthermore, there is a homogenous group of churches on the territory newly subjected to the Church of Zadar (primarily on the island of Krk) following its elevation to the level of archbishopric in 1154. Finally, spread of the forms of Coloman's chapel to another group of churches (Gora, Szekesfehervar, Kaštel Gomilica) is related to its direct political conotations used by Hungarian church prelates or secular dignitaries. The importance of the city of Zadar and the monastery of St. Mary that caused Coloman's intervention is explained by the role of Zadar as the capital of Dalmatia since the 9th century, while the monastery gained importance through its role in the church reform, but also through the traditional ties with the family of Madii, and with Croatian king Petar Krešimir IV. It is interesting to note similar strategy of relating to the abbess that both kings used in order to strenghten their rule in Dalmatia. By relating to the monastery of St. Mary, primarily by inserting his royal chapel in its precinct, Coloman consciously followed the "traditions" of the Croatian ruler, the strategy which is discernible in other aspects of his rule as well.
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Ekumenski i dijaloški znakovi primata i sinodalnosti u papinskim porukama tijekom posjeta Bosni i Heregovini i Hrvatskoj ; Ecumenical and dialogue signs of primacy and sinodality in the Pope's messages during pastoral visits to Bosnia and Herzeogovina and Croatia
U ovom prikazu autor analizira ekumenske i dijaloške poruke papâ koji su do sada posjećivali Bosnu i Hercegovinu i Republiku Hrvatsku u posljednjih dvadesetak godina, od 1994. do 2015. Ostvareno je sedam takvih pohoda: pet danas svetoga Ivana Pavla II.: tri Hrvatskoj (1994., 1998. i 2003.) i dva Bosni i Hercegovini (1997. i 2003.), te po jedan Benedikta XVI. (Hrvatskoj 2011.) i Franje (Bosni i Hercegovini 2015.). Još je jedan, a to je trebao biti prvi, bio posve pripremljen, ali neostvaren: pohod Ivana Pavla II. Sarajevu 1994. Budući da su objavljeni i svi za tu prigodu pripravljeni govori i poruke, i oni su uvršteni u ovaj pregled. Snagom svojega primata u Kristovoj Crkvi, a poštujući i naglašavajući sinodalnost kao način djelovanja episkopata i cijele Crkve, pape su pozivali na sprečavanje i obustavu rata, dok je on bjesnio ovim krajevima, na pravedan mir, zatim na opraštanje i pomirenje narodâ koji su do jučer međusobno ratovali, na odgovornost političkih vođa za pravedan mir i prosperitet svojih naroda. Posebno su pozivali vjernike da na temelju onoga što im je zajedničko, upravo kao vjernici dadu u tome svoj doprinos: kršćani Katoličke i Srpske Pravoslavne Crkve snagom svojega krštenja i vjere u Isusa Krista Spasitelja, a zajedno s njima i sljedbenici islama i židovstva, na temelju vjere u istoga Boga Stvoritelja. Na svim pohodima pape su slali osobito snažne ekumenske i dijaloške poruke, a redovito su se susretali i s predstavnicima drugih kršćanskih Crkava i drugih vjerskih zajednica. U Bosni i Hercegovini posebno su bili naglašeni susreti s Međureligijskim vijećem koje okuplja najistaknutije predstavnike Katoličke Crkve, Srpske Pravoslavne Crkve, Islamske te Židovske zajednice, a papa Ivan Pavao II., prigodom posjeta Sarajevu 1997., dodijelio je Međunarodnu nagradu za mir Ivan XXIII. četirima humanitarnim udrugama vezanim uz četiri vjerske zajednice u BiH: katoličkom Caritasu Biskupske konferencije BiH, pravoslavnom Dobrotvoru, muslimanskom Merhametu te židovskoj La Benevolenciji. Mir, pomirenje, opraštanje, na što su posebno pozvani svi vjernici, suradnja i solidarnost, vrednote su na kojima treba graditi dobru budućnost ovih država i naroda. Te poruke autor prezentira u ovom radu kronološkim redom pohoda papâ. ; In the article, the author analyzes ecumenical and dialogue messages of the Popes who visited Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia between 1994 and 2015. There were seven visits: five by Saint John Paul II, three to Croatia (1994, 1998, and 2003), and two to Bosnia and Herzegovina (1997 and 2003); one by Pope Benedict XVI (Croatia 2011), and one by Pope Francis (Bosnia and Herzegovina 2015). A visit to Bosnia and Herzegovina by John Paul II in 1994 was scheduled but did not take place. Since all the speeches and messages were prepared for this visit, these are covered in this overview. Respecting and accentuating synodality as a way of acting by bishops and the entire Church, and invoking the authority of their primacy in Christ's Church, and at a time of war in this country, the Popes called for the conflict to end and for further conflict to be prevented, for a just peace, for forgiveness and reconciliation among those who had recently fought against one another, and for leaders to take responsibility for delivering a just peace and prosperity to their people. The Popes urged people of faith to recognize what they had in common and to make a contribution on the basis of their faith, Catholics and Orthodox on the strength of their baptism and their faith in the Savior Jesus Christ, and together with them followers of Islam and the Jewish religion on the basis of the same faith in the Creator God. During their visits, the Popes especially emphasized strong ecumenical and dialogue messages and met with representatives of other Christian and religious communities. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, meetings with the Interreligious Council were highlighted, bringing together the most prominent representatives of the Catholic Church, the Orthodox Church, and the Islamic and Jewish religious communities. During his visit to Sarajevo in 1997, Pope John Paul II awarded the John XXIII international peace prize to four humanitarian organizations related to four religious communities in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Caritas of the Bishop's Conference of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Dobrotvor from the Orthodox Church, Merhamet from the Islamic religious community, and La Benevolencia from the Jewish religious community. The faithful are especially called to peace, forgiveness, and reconciliation, and cooperation and solidarity are values on which the future of the people should be built. The author introduces these messages following the chronological order of the pastoral visits.
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Andrijićev ciborij u korčulanskoj katedrali: istraživanje izvornog izgleda ; Ciborium by Marko Andrijić in Korčula Cathedral: A Study of the Original Appearance
Kameni ciborij iznad glavnog oltara korčulanske katedrale je remek-djelo najvećega korčulanskog klesara i graditelja Marka Andrijića, s proporcijama zlatnog reza i elementima pravog renesansnog stila. Potkraj 18. stoljeća četvrti, završni kat krova ciborija je uklonjen, a neki dijelovi su nestali. Donji dio ciborija je besprijekorno isklesan, dok je osmerostrani krov izrađen znatno lošije, s brojnim nedovršenostima, pogreškama, preklesavanjima i skraćivanjima. Na temelju detaljne analize tragova klesarskog alata i promjena geometrije kamenih elemenata, te studije izvornog ugovora o gradnji, donesen je zaključak da je donji dio ciborija izradio Marko Andrijić sa svojom radionicom, a gornji dio klesari koji nisu razumjeli njegov nacrt, odnosno konvenciju prikazivanja projekcije kosih površina u skraćenju. Srećom, iako je radi ispravka klesarske pogreške gornji dio ciborija malo sužen i snižen, ukupna proporcija nije se zbog toga bitno promijenila, pa je nakon restauracije izvornog stanja to najbolje djelo korčulanske renesanse ponovo zasjalo izvornim sjajem. ; The most prominent member of a large family of stonemasons, and certainly the greatest stonemason and builder from Korčula, Marko Andrijić learned his trade not only in the workshop of his father, the famous stonemason Andrija Marković, but also working on numerous commissions throughout Dalmatia and all the way to Italy. In his home town of Korčula, he gained fame by working on the modernization of the city fortifications and the cathedral, which is why the Venetian government appointed him lifelong protomaster of all public buildings. His work on the completion of the bell tower on the Cathedral of St. Mark stands out, because he did it in an unprecedented way, combining an octagonal loggia with a dome, lantern and promenade surrounded with a balustrade that served as an observatory. In addition to the bell tower, Andrijić transformed the entire cathedral: he placed vaults above the side aisles and galleries above them, raised the nave, and decorated the upper part of the façade with richly carved stonework. He added a sacristy to the cathedral, a ciborium over the main altar, and a bridge over the street towards the bishop's court, and built a tomb for Bishop Malumbra. In 1486, Andrijić agreed to design and build a magnificent ciborium above the main altar of the cathedral. The extraordinary proportions and brilliantly executed details of the ciborium, combining the Gothic and Renaissance styles, surpass local significance. This was the first time that a classical pillar with entasis and genuine Corinthian capitals, as well as composite capitals with dolphin and siren motifs, had appeared in Croatian art. The ciborium's appearance was significantly changed during the complete redesign of the cathedral's interior in the Baroque style, undertaken by Bishop Josip Kosirić at the end of the 18th century. In order for a sculpture of the Risen Christ to be placed on top, the upper tier of the ciborium roof was replaced with awkward, curved stone elements that belonged to older church furniture and had been re-carved to fit the ciborium. Joško Belamarić found the final tier of Andrijić's ciborium roof in the lapidary of the abbey collection, turned upside down and converted into a baptismal font. This discovery made it possible to make an ideal reconstruction of the original appearance by completing the natural sequence of four openings in the surface of the first-tier of the ciborium roof to one opening the surface of the fourth-tier. In order to re-establish the integrity of Andrijić's masterpiece, and taking into account the angle of parts of the roof on the ciborium and its proportions, a draft was made with the reconstructed missing elements: eight segments of the third-tier roof and the small dome. After the upper part of the ciborium was disassembled to preserve the stone and consolidate the structure, all the stone elements, holes for fixing metal joints, traces of masonry tools, damage, re-carving and shortening were inspected and analysed in detail. A stonemason's mark was found on the upper surface of the architrave, which determined the position of the elements of the first tier of the roof, which, according to the original design, should have been about 9 cm wider on all sides. It was concluded that the perfectly carved lower part of the ciborium was made by Marko Andrijić in his workshop, and the inferior roof was made by stonemasons who did not understand his design. In order to understand what exactly happened and to be able to make the right conservation decision on how to restore the ciborium, it was necessary to return to the original construction contract, kept in the Zadar State Archives. A complete transcription and translation of the contract, with the payments written in the margins, was made. Master Marko Andrijić committed to carving a ciborium of stone from Vrnik and based on the design he had made, in the following two years for the price of one hundred and fifteen ducats. If he failed to complete the ciborium within the agreed time, the master had to pay a fine, but he was allowed to let other master stonemasons complete the work in that case. Judging by the recorded payments, the construction of the ciborium took six years instead of two, and Marko did not pay a fine, and he even received about seven ducats more than the agreed price. The excess payment probably relates to the statues of the Annunciation, which had to be contracted subsequently with an annex that has not yet been found. After about two-thirds of the ciborium was complete, the work was stopped, and after more than two years, work was continued, probably by one of Marko's brothers, but he was not up to the task. Due to an error in transferring the dimensions and angle of inclination of the roof surfaces from the draft, the replacement masters had to re-carve the already-executed elements of the first-tier roof and improvise to fill the resulting cavities. As a result of these errors, the roof of the ciborium was narrowed and lowered. However, viewed as a whole, the proportional system of the ciborium, consisting of four rectangles of the golden ratio placed one above the other, is not significantly affected by a small but proportional reduction in the dimensions of the roof. Between 2014 and 2019, the Croatian Conservation Institute repaired the damaged elements, carved the missing parts, and re-assembled and connected the upper part of the ciborium with metal clamps filled with lead, with all the necessary reinforcement of the structure. After more than two centuries, the best work of Korčula's architectural and stoneworking art was once again made whole.
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