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The editorial presents the conference "Religion and Politics" arranged by the Centre for the Study of Christian Cultures at the University of Turku in November 2018. Articles 3-7 of the current issue are based on papers presented at the conference. ; publishedVersion ; Peer reviewed
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The editorial presents the conference "Religion and Politics" arranged by the Centre for the Study of Christian Cultures at the University of Turku in November 2018. Articles 3-7 of the current issue are based on papers presented at the conference.
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In: International affairs, Band 34, Heft 1, S. 117-117
ISSN: 1468-2346
In: Journal of political economy, Band 24, Heft 8, S. 825-826
ISSN: 1537-534X
In: A journal of church and state: JCS, Band 10, Heft 1, S. 83-98
ISSN: 2040-4867
In: African affairs: the journal of the Royal African Society, Band 93, Heft 372, S. 451-452
ISSN: 1468-2621
When talking about the relationship between Christianity and politics two things are certain: there will be a split on whether or not people believe the two should have a relationship at all, and that at some point the conversation will focus on the perceived success or failure of the Moral Majority. Founded by Jerry Falwell and Paul Weyrich in 1979 to give a voice to Christian conservatives, the Moral Majority quickly became the most prominent Evangelical political lobbying group in the country and managed to achieve a level of influence that eluded many of the other Evangelical groups that were founded for similar reasons. Due to its success and rise to power, the Moral Majority became a listing rod for those opposed to the belief that Christian principles should be legislated and the group also sparked the conversation within Evangelical circles throughout the country about the proper role that Christianity should play in the secular world. By taking a closer look at the leaders of the Moral Majority, how the group was organized, the theological foundations that inspired their active participation in politics, the continuing effect that the group had on both Christianity and politics, and conclusion of all those questions posed about the organization can finally be achieved.
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In: Cascade companions 12
What is the significance of Islam's growing strength in Ethiopia? And what is the impetus for the Saudi financing of hundreds of new mosques and schools in the country, the establishment of welfare organizations, and the spread of the Arabic language? Haggai Erlich explores the interplay of religion and international politics as it has shaped the development of modern Ethiopia and Saudi Arabia. Tracing Saudi-Ethiopian relations from the 1930s to the present, Erlich highlights the nexus of concrete politics and the conceptual messages of religion. His fresh approach encompasses discussions of the options and dilemmas facing Ethiopians, both Christians and Muslims, across multiple decades; the Saudis' nuanced conceptualization of their Islamic "self" in contrast to Christian and Islamic "others"; and the present confrontation between Ethiopia's apolitical Islam and Wahhabi fundamentalism. It also provides new perspectives on both the current dilemmas of the Wahhabi kingdom and the global implications of the evolving Saudi-Ethiopian relationship
In: Political theology, Band 13, Heft 6, S. 765-767
ISSN: 1743-1719
In: Nationalism & ethnic politics, Band 17, Heft 4, S. 361-381
ISSN: 1557-2986
In: Aethiopica: international journal of Ethiopian and Eritrean studies, Band 15, S. 280-283
ISSN: 2194-4024
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