ON THE PROBLEM OF CHRISTIANITY BECOMING A WORLD RELIGION
In: Voprosy filosofii: naučno-teoretičeskij žurnal, Band 22, Heft 10, S. 105-115
ISSN: 0042-8744
In: Voprosy filosofii: naučno-teoretičeskij žurnal, Band 22, Heft 10, S. 105-115
ISSN: 0042-8744
Fear is fast becoming - if it has not already become - a central object of analysis for understanding today's politics. As fear is, supposedly, increasingly saturating our everyday lives, politicians and political strategists of all ideological stripes are rediscovering that fear is a handy tool in influencing voters. Our argument, however, is that rather than simply seeing the most recent exercise of a "politics of fear," our contemporary moment is distinguished by the emergence of "fear as politics". The paper argues that rather than fear acting as an expedient but ad hoc political tool, it has become the de facto essence of politics. Fear now provides the impetus and reason for politics, substituting other sources of legitimation of power such as democracy, justice, and the common good. The argument of the authors is being developed in a three-step process. Firstly - the authors argue - fear has become a projection of the political will aiming at changing existing order - that is to say that fear becomes the main reason and main motive for institutional / social change domestically and internationally. Secondly, fear cements power relations by creating a new "political dogma", a supra-ideology of sorts that being trans-ideological in spectrum (that is to say, "fear" becomes enclosed in every current ideology from populism to neo-conservatism), and shapes and restricts social imagination and political action. Thirdly - authors continue - fear provides alternative legitimization of state authority and action (that is to say that fear provides justification and sense of purpose for those in power). The authors have provided a set of interlocked ideas to show that fear can be rationalized, operationalized, that it is imbedded into diversified social strata, included into mainstream politics, politically utilized and form a bedrock of the new regnum (with a rationality based on fear) by whoever play politics.
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The author studies the division of the Christian Church into Orthodox Christian and Catholic branches through the context of the idea of political universe with the Byzantine Empire's and the German Empire's claims of the see, also expressed by papal Rome. The division was based on the idea of Christianity as a worldview universe, and cultures' and peoples' attitude towards it, with their being at the top of their activity (the so-called superthnoses). The analysis is made with reference to various literary works and chronicles of mediaeval western European, Byzantine and Old Russian authors. Owing to the fact that there exist different generally accepted views on the conflict development, the article is of a polemical nature. ; Рассматривается проблема разделения церкви на православную и католическую в контексте идеи политического универсума, на место которого пытались претендовать Византийская и Германская империи, а также папский Рим. В основе процесса разделения лежала идея христианства как мировоззренческого универсума и отношение к нему культур и этносов, находившихся на пике активности (суперэтносов). В качестве источников используются различные литературные произведения и хроники средневековых западноевропейских, византийских и древнерусских авторов. Поскольку существуют общепринятые представления о динамике конфликта, его виновниках и причинах, статья носит полемический характер. Показано, переживаемый в разное время и с разной интенсивностью, должен быть лишен того абсолютного значения, который традиционно привыкли видеть историки.
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To understand the depth of transformations in all spheres of society generated by
migration, new terminology is needed. The notion of "postmigrant societies" implies that the
distinction between local and migrant population loses its relevance in certain social spheres.
According to the familiar epistemological framework, societies are presented as consisting of
"local population" on the one hand, and "migrant population" on the other. This understanding,
however, is becoming obsolete. First, it does not reflect the fact that the phenomenon of spatial
mobility is embedded in the social structure. A significant part of the so-called local population
is itself included in migration processes. People who are considered to be part of the
"autochthonous population" are in fact migrants themselves due to different circumstances
(contract work, long-term stay in another country due to studies, involvement in joint business
projects, participation in international scientific teams, availability of real estate abroad, etc.). At
the same time, those people who are regarded as "migrants" by common sense can be well
integrated into the social institutions of their new homeland. Second, the traditional
epistemological framework does not reflect contemporary demographic trends. It is unable to
capture two points: (a) population rotation within the framework of circular/pendulum migration;
(b) qualitative change in the urban population of industrialized countries.
Blog: Carnegie Middle East Center - Diwan
The Lebanese Forces have the largest Christian bloc in parliament, but you wouldn't know that from their policy of splendid isolation.
In: Voprosy istorii: VI ; ežemesjačnyj žurnal, Band 70, Heft 2, S. 160-162
ISSN: 0042-8779
In the article the mechanisms of legal regulation of French language are analyzed. Particular attention is paid to politicians in France, as initiators and developers of regulations in support of national language. Speech portraits of representatives of French political elite are considered,politiciansviolations of standardliterary French are identified. ; В статье анализируются механизмы законодательного регулирования французского языка. Особое внимание уделяется политическим деятелям Франции, выступающим инициаторами и разработчиками нормативных актов в поддержку национального языка. Рассматривается речевой портрет представителей французской политической элиты, выявляются случаи нарушения политиками литературной нормы французского языка.
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Blog: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace - sada
Recent government decisions to expand English language instruction in Algerian schools, though seemingly educational in nature, are only the latest developments in a longstanding national dispute.
Student unrest of 1956 in Soviet universities is examined based on the example of the Ural State University and the Ural Polytechnic Institute in Sverdlovsk. Student attitudes are analyzed in terms of social and critical thinking, and the reaction of authorities — in light of the policy towards the intelligentsia. The theoretical and methodological frame of analysis is constructivism, with emphasis put on aspects of bilateral, reciprocal design and temporality. The empirical base consists of documents from the collections of the Documentation Centre of the Social Institutions of Sverdlovsk Region, the University Museum, as well as materials from local and national press. The mid 1950's were marked by a radical revision of the limits of acceptable criticism, which was unfolding until the end of 1956. Unorthodox activity was not regarded as seditious up until a point. The gap, interval between the original action and the resulting stigmatizing mark shows how such a notion crystallized. At some point it seemed as if you could criticize everyone and everything. It is shown that the most crucial effect was produced not by the theme of student statements but rather by a mismatch in the magnitude of the subjects and objects of public criticism. The position of authorities was to depoliticize student activity, while using such a relatively new course as pathologizing objectification: the younger generation was treated as a bearer of specific problems requiring special attention. "Labor education" with emphasis on hard physical labor was used as the universal lifesaver. Sundays at construction sites, hedgehog-fit visits to farms, as well as sending expelled students to factories inform the phenomenon of organic intellectuals "on the contrary" (in the words of A. Gramsci and N. Savelyeva). At the same time, the pragmatic benefits of resolving to admit to universities only those who had sufficient work experience was not reduced to disposing of students' "unhealthy moods", but rather "postponement" of higher education was to attract the youngsters to the virgin lands and construction sites. Students themselves insisted on the political connotations of their actions. The desire of the young generation to "catch the winds of history in their sails" was gradually accumulated in the concept of romance, which had yet to displace the patriotism and heroism that prevailed within the ideological orientations and the official rhetoric of the 50's. © 2020, Federal Center of Theoretical and Applied Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences. All rights reserved.
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