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Examines constitutional law regarding religion, focusing on the relationship between Article 3 which states that the "prevailing religion in Greece is that of the Eastern Orthodox Church of Christ" and Article 13 which deals with freedom of religion; some focus on European and international law on religious liberty.

Liberation theology's response to global economic processes is investigated, focusing on the Church's attempt to assist poor peoples who have been negatively affected by global economics. Although liberation theology was expected to provide guidance for Christian officials who had to address globalization processes, it is asserted that this perspective failed to adequately articulate its own theory about market economies. In addition, it is contended that liberation theology has fallen short of proffering a comprehensive model for creating a political state. After noting that any future political system can only partially coincide with the Christian vision because of religious pluralism & secularism, two strategies that adhere to Christian scripture for rectifying the problems caused by globalization are presented. The need to not perceive the Church as a civil society organization is subsequently articulated. Despite the Church's success in combating poverty through its debt remission campaign, it is stated that the economic problems experienced through globalization by the world's poorest nations will not be resolved through the remission of debts. The issue of whether globalization processes will change the Church itself is also considered. J. W. Parker

Utilizes 1988-1996 American National Election Studies (ANES) data & the 1997 ANES Pilot Study to show that voters have begun to orient their political attitudes & behaviors according to their feelings toward Christian fundamentalists. This is particularly the case with antifundamentalists, roughly 20% of the white nonfundamentalist public who, significantly more so than other nonfundamentalists, intensely dislike fundamentalists & perceive members of this religious group as militantly intolerant, ideologically extreme, inegalitarian with respect to women's rights, & monolithically Republican. These associations coincided with a marked shift in the proportion of antifundamentalists who became concerned about cultural & religious issues in national political life. Multivariate analyses show that feelings toward Christian fundamentalists are now a significant predictor of relative party assessments, adverse to the Republican Party. Moreover, logistic regression analyses demonstrate that antipathy toward Christian fundamentalists has become a significant explanatory variable of vote choice in recent presidential elections. Antifundamentalism today has joined ideology as a predictor of presidential vote choice, & its impact surpasses the effects of traditional economic variables, such as attitudes toward government activism & retrospective assessments of the economy. Findings lend support to contentions that the 1992 presidential election quickened or heightened cultural & religious forces that to this day structure attitudes toward the two major parties. The data attest to the power of negative religious outgroup affect in shaping political perceptions, attitudes, & behavior during periods of cultural ferment. 6 Tables, 1 Figure, 3 Appendixes, 103 References. Adapted from the source document.

Draws on a variety of survey data to examine 30 years of the religion-politics relationship. Highlighted are trends in the church-state relationship, church & religious figure involvement, the 1980s-1990s conservative Christian movement (eg, Christian Coalition & Moral Majority), rights & religious tolerance, & prayer & the Bible in public schools. 1 Appendix, 13 References. J. Lindroth