Suchergebnisse

Writers have expressed the view that man's interest in projects for establishing perpetual peace is as old as man's participation in warfare. We cannot be certain that Europe can be considered the cradle of such projects for peace, although the Greek city states certainly elaborated a complex system of treaty relationships between themselves to that end. Europe was not to see a like network of sophisticated treaty relationships until the 19th century. Supporting these elaborate treaty networks was the fact that the Greeks enjoyed a common religious-legal and linguistic substratum which tended to mitigate the harshness of the intense intercity rivalries and enmities. The Greeks, as in so many other excursions in thought, were the architects of the modern array of different kinds of political treaties, e.g., of alliance, confederation, federation and, from the 4th century B.C., peace treaties of unlimited duration. In particular, religious leagues were established for the common defence of a shared and sacred shrine. Such were the Amphictyonys of the 5th century B.C. The religious bond between the cities parties to such compacts extended into the political sphere so that the city states bound thereby became confederated by the terms of the amphictyony, as was the case of the confederate association for the protection of the great shrine at Delphi.

An "urban" definition of public policy problems raises great difficulties for the policy maker. If we emphasize implementation as a primary factor in evaluating public policy, we have good grounds for questioning the wisdom of an urban perspective. But urban questions have been and still are major areas of concern in public policy formulation. The ALP federal platform contains a long section on urban policies, reiterating what the Department of Urban and Regional Development (DURD) was striving to achieve under the Whitlam Government. At state level, urban problems have been tackled with varying degrees of success and seriousness, although at this level overall urban perspectives tend to be ignored, for reasons we shall indicate. However urban planning authorities have been tried in most capital cities, and metropolitan plans have been drawn up for all of them. They have concentrated mainly on land use and urban form. By the 1970s a common criticism of such planning was that it left aside many social and economic aspects of urban growth. For example, one (admittedly partisan) government source—the N.S.W. Department of Decentralization and Development—noted "a massive and increasing trend towards socio‐economic segregation":…the remoteness of central city facilities …the cost of commuter transport and the inadequacy of community facilities in low‐income outer suburbs are operating to perpetuate economic under‐privilege.

Interest in crowding has generated a large number of animal and correlational studies. Yet, this research has not addressed itself to the questions of broader importance, namely, what are the effects of dense environments on human behavior, perception, and general well being. The laboratory and field research on human crowding has been used to develop two primary explanations. Crowding has been described as a negative affective reaction to social or behavioral interference from others in a setting and has also been defined as overstimulation emanating from social sources. The present paper details the results of a large-scale field study that was conducted in the cities of River-side and San Bernardino, California, aimed at testing these two theoretical approaches in a field setting. Multiple regression analysis was used to predict the perception of crowding at the residence, neighborhood, and city levels by phsychological and physical variables. We found that the behavioral or social interference approach was the best general explanation for the perception of crowding at all three levels of analysis. Psychological factors became increasingly important for the prediction of crowding as one moved from the immediate residence to the less immediate city level. Conversely, physical measures were important at the residential level, but progressively less important in the neighborhood and city. The implications and limitations of this study are discussed.

Outlined are a series of stages which the oppressed African undergoes in order to maintain an identity through differing Western influences which contradict everything the African was told he was made of. The first stage is assimilation where the African educated into Western thought may temporarily reject or no longer support or value his own traditions. The practice of Western education, or neocolonialism, becomes auto-colonialism, where the oppressed are also the oppressors of their own selves, both on the mass level & on individual levels. Mentioned are instances where leaders spent their country's budget on luxuries for purposes such as crowning themselves king, areas in United States cities where black homicide has risen beyond control, & cases where individuals leave their homes to seek out the promises of the United States. Subsequently, reactions to this identity conflict take the form of isolation, alienation, & identity lack, which foster a need for resolution. The resolution takes the form of 'revitalization,' or going back to traditional roots. An example cited is a community in SC, which calls itself Oyotunji & lives according to the Yoruba culture. Also it is noted that the individuals who came to the United States eventually experienced severe loneliness & despair & returned to Africa. The eventual return to the autonomy of their roots & to nationalism may be associated with radicalism in their efforts. C. Strong.

RésuméLa marginalisation des zones agricoles est fondamentalement liée aux mécanismes des échanges et de l'accumulation économique, au désé‐quilibre des infrastructures et à l'attrait culturel urbain. Pour éviter les inconvénients de la concentration urbaine et de la dégradation de la nature, des politiques ont soutenu jusqu'ici les zones dévitalisées, pardes réserves en tous genres. Leur échec et l'inexorable dévitalisation conduisent à envisager maintenant une démarginalisation véritable notamment par déconcentration de la population et reconversion de l'agriculture.SummaryThe marginalization of agricultural areas is fundamentally linked with the exchange process and the economic accumulation, with the disequilibrium of infrastructure and with the urban cultural attractiveness. In order to avoid the drawbacks of urban concentrations and the impoverishment of nature, some policies have till now supported the devitalized areas, by means of all kinds of reserves. Their failure and the inexorable devitalisation induce one to envisage now a real demarginalisation especially by means of a decentralized population policy away from the cities and of agricultural reconversion.ZusammenfassungDas Absinken der ländlichen Gebiete zu Randzonen ist grundlegend mit den Mechanismen des Austauschs und der wirtschaftlichen Bal‐lung verbunden. Diese vollziehen sich einerseits auf Kosten des infra‐strukturellen Gleichgewichts, andererseits zu Gunsten der kulturellen Anziehungskraft der Städte. Urn die nachteiligen Folgen der städti‐schen Ballung und der allmählichen Zerstörung der Natur zu vermei‐den, haben einige politische Programme versucht, die verödenden Landstriche unter Einsatz aller Mittel zu erhalten. Ihr Versagen und die unaufhaltsame Verödung führen nunmehr zu dem Plan, den eingangs beschriebenen Prozeß zu stoppen und rückgängig zu machen, indem vor allem eine dezentralisierende Bevölkerungspolitik und eine Urn‐stnikturierung der Landwirtschaft durchgeführt werden sollen.

Given the historic role of cities in Latin America as an instrument for appropriating territory and for ordering society, one may wonder why more attention is not paid to the Latin Americans' own vision of the city. We are sometimes asked to believe that only in the 1940s did the urban phenomenon loom in their world and that our knowledge of it comes from foreign demographers and anthropologists. Colonial sources like Solórzano and theRecopilación, however, demonstrate that the IberoCatholic political tradition gives central importance to the organizational and paradigmatic functions of the urban unit. After independence, to be sure, this tradition was eclipsed by the 'ruralization' of Latin American societies as urban, bureaucratic structures decayed and power flowed to the agrarian domain. At this time also, intellectual horizons opened to offer release from scholastic constraints, encouraging the intelligentsia to make eclectic, sometimes euphoric assessments of their new nations' future potential. Of thesepensadoresSarmiento almost alone dealt directly with the city's role in nation building. Yet his very plea that the city — whether Buenos Aires or a new 'Argirópolis' — assume 'modernizing' or 'developmental'functions reverts to the old Mediterranean notion that the city (civitas) is one with 'civilization'. For this Alberdi attacked him, reminding Sarmiento that in Argentina town and country, civilization and barbarism, were not disjoined but fused in a single society and polity.

Socialism's failure, particularly in its Marxist form, to provide a workable revolutionary approach has been followed by abstract socialist theory which is at odds with practical revolutionary efforts, in which incompatible visions of social alternatives are mingled. Such organizations as workers' councils do not constitute a public sphere, but absorb within themselves liberties which should be exercised by popular assemblies. This tendency is enhanced by overconcern with the factory, which cannot be a social organism. Neo-Marxism coopts current radical movements into classical Marxism's problematic premises & libertarian concepts become authoritarian ones; needed is a clearly defined boundary. Precapitalist societies differed from capitalism in being basically organic; even in medieval society neighborhoods in cities were largely self-governing. Capitalist society, based on the logic of commodity relations, has simplified social life to the inorganic level, threatening the ecological survival of the earth as a whole. Bureaucracy, whether under capitalism or state socialism, embodies this inorganic approach, treating individuals as anonymous units. A truly revolutionary movement must aim to reconstitute society without delegated authority, to abolish all forms of domination (not merely economic exploitation), & to abolish all forms of hierarchy (not merely social classes). Modern neo-Marxism so far fails to offer such an alternative & supports the situation it professes to attack. W. H. Stoddard.

The years 1946–76 cover the last fifteen years of colonial rule in Tanganyika, and the first fifteen years of Independence. In that period Governments attempted a wide range of policies relating to agriculture. The more important of these are summarised in Table 1. This paper attempts to bring out the historical sequence to show how the perceived weaknesses in one set of policies led to the choice of the next. A general conclusion is that those who controlled the State consistently misunderstood fundamental aspects of peasant agriculture, and over‐estimated what the use of State power could achieve in rural development. More specifically the paper charts a conflict of interest between peasants and bureaucrats beginning in colonial times and continuing today. From a bureaucratic point of view, the peasants are an important section of the economy which they cannot fully control, but which they must attempt to manipulate to extract a surplus of food to feed the cities and export crops to extract the foreign exchange to maintain or expand the State. The peasants view the bureaucrats with mixed feelings: they know that the bureaucrats possess power — to set prices for crops or call in the police force, but they are uncomfortably aware that that power is often used to exploit their labour power.

The pattern & motivations for migration in Africa have been influenced by the different economic, social, cultural, demographic, & colonial experiences. The migration phenomenon is examined in its historical perspective, & the links between the past & the present are explored. Relevant policy measures are prescribed & priority areas of research are detailed. Analytical studies of migration have been considerably hampered by lack of reliable, aggregate data. Existing western-type models/theories based on the individual rather than the household as the migration decision-maker are inappropriate in the contemporary African situation. While population movements in Africa predate colonial rule, their pattern, volume, intensity, & direction have been substantially altered by colonial administration, & reinforced by postindependence export-oriented development strategies which also concentrate massive investments in a few cities. The state of existing knowledge on the characteristics & determinants of migration is summarized, & certain gaps in knowledge are identified including the following areas of research: (1) mobility & nonmobility components, (2) the interrelationship between migration, fertility, & population growth, (3) the role of migrants as agents of diffusion of techniques & material objects, (4) Ur-Ru transfer of earnings & Ru development, (5) return migration & its role in the development of the origin area, (6) the role of medium-size towns, & (7) the phenomenon of brain drain. The policy implications of the above are briefly examined. 1 Table. AA.

Recent data reveal moderate to substantial farm-nonfarm differences on a few kinds of attitudes & behavior, but since farm people now are only about 4% of the population, the farm-nonfarm distinction cannot account for much of the total variation. The attitudes & behavior which differ substantially between farm & nonfarm people usually differ monotonically by community size; hence, "ruralism" seems to characterize residents of the smaller dense settlements &, to a lesser extent, those of intermediate-sized cities. Furthermore, city residents with Ru backgrounds tend to retain Ru attitudes & behavior characteristics -- size of community of origin being a stronger predictor of some attitudes than size of community of current residence. Although the association of community size with a more or less representative list of attitudinal variables is weak, such correlates of community size as age & SES do not largely account for the larger association, which probably reflect a tendency for social & cultural change to occur earlier in the larger communities. The explanatory utility of size of community of origin & of residence seems less than that of age & education, but at least as great as that of several other explanatory variables favored by social scientists, eg, family income & occupational prestige. 7 Tables. Modified HA.

Federal revenue sharing will have much more effect on state-local finances than nationwide revenue and spending aggregates might suggest, because of the impor tance of changes at the margin and the differing relative benefits of various areas and jurisdictions. It will be a long time before data needed for sophisticated efforts to measure the program's impact can be applied. The real fiscal effects undoubtedly differ from those that might be inferred from official reports about the use of shared revenue, which take no account of other, resulting changes in the budgets of recipient governments. Summary trend data suggest that the program has increased state-local spending for payrolls and construction, but the magnitude and composition of these developments cannot yet be closely gauged. Fiscal effects for various areas and jurisdictions will differ markedly due to the diversity of their relative gains, which range consid erably from state to state and much more so at the local level. The program apparently will, to a very modest degree, improve the competitive fiscal position of metropolitan central cities relative to their suburbs. Otherwise, however, the fund distribution seems likely to permit relatively more easing of local taxes or more increases in local government spending in thinly populated areas, where levels of taxation and financing are comparatively low, than in urbanized higher-cost areas.

After a brief review of the forces which shaped the general revenue sharing legislation, this article investigates thoroughly various pro and con arguments about the program. While there may be a variety of theoretical "pro" arguments, the primary argument in favor of general revenue sharing is that is is politically popular with the public officials who are recipients of the funds. This article also explores the arguments that general rev enue sharing leads to increased citizen participation and fewer administrative requirements for recipient units, and that it increases the strength of the central administration. It urges caution in interpreting the preliminary research results which are available. On the "con" side, it considers a variety of theoretical arguments, but the main emphasis must be on the inequities in the existing legislation. These include the reduction in categorical aid programs, the failure to provide adequately for the largest cities, the inapplicability of fiscal crisis arguments, and the absence of important "side benefits"—institution building, for example—from general revenue sharing legislation. Finally, there is a discussion of the discriminatory provisions and enforcement procedures of the legislation. The dilemma which revenue sharing and the former categorical grant programs were designed to meet is best resolved by strengthening and expanding the block grant approach to federal aid.

The general assumption that it is better to have office coders categorize information from interviews than to have interviewers assign codes at the time of the interview, is challenged. This research was integrated into a study of family planning done in 1969 in 9 US cities; interviews were conducted with 851 black & 846 white women. The analysis is limited to occupational status of the M household head. Most interviewers recorded a description of the job on the regular schedule; a random selection of others assigned a status score during the interview from a list of 458 occupations. R's who had been interviewed by an interviewer-coder were reinterviewed several weeks later by an interviewer using only the traditional procedure. In comparing scores assigned during the interview with those done by office coders, the criterion of "better" was which scores had the strongest correlations between both education of the M household head & family income, & occupational status. Correlations were the same for interviewers & office coders among whites. Among black, however, correlations for the office coder were significantly greater than those of the interviewer. The wide range of correlations obtained for blacks indicates that there may be a problem in occupational coding for blacks that is absent for whites. 2 Tables. H. Dorian.

W. P. Grant has drawn attention to the lack of empirical study of local parties in British local government. He also draws a distinction between 'genuine' local parties and 'concealed Conservative' parties, and concentrates his attention on the former. He defines 'concealed Conservative parties' as those which are not prepared to fight an electoral contest against a Conservative candidate, and includes under this heading 'Citizen' and 'Progressive' parties. The framework for analysis which his article develops is confined to the 'genuine' local parties on this definition, which, while convenient, is not as reliable as first appears. English and Scottish local government contain several examples of what might better be described as 'anti-Labour caucuses' in the form of groups or alliances which have been prepared to fight against Conservative candidates when these have opposed them. J. H. R. Robbins, in a brief account of the Doncaster Progressives, has pointed out the limitations of Grant's definition where such groups face opposition from renegade or ward-backed Conservatives. There are several such groups which need to be separately categorised; surprisingly they have received even less academic study than the 'genuine' local parties, although they hold or have held power in many county boroughs, county councils and Scottish cities.

A brief examination of the principles of medical care as set forth in the Medical Care Act of 1966 with its reference to psychiatry as separate branch of clinical medicine is presented. The success of therapeutic work & rehabilitation in Czechoslovakia from the inception of out-patient clinics attached to large hospitals to the present aim for such clinics in each district of 40,000 inhabitants by 1980 is noted. A survey published by the European Office of the World Health Organization based on a comparative survey of 5 selected European countries (Czechoslovakia, Poland, UK, France, & Turkey) indicated that the out-patient psychiatric service in Czechoslovakia is one of the best organized systems in the socialist countries. Modern psychiatry in that country uses 3 kinds of therapeutic treatment: pharmcotherapy, psychotherapy & social therapy. Increasing attention given to undesirable social phenomena & the problems these lead to has led to research in the areas of alcoholism, drug addiction, & suicide. Effective measures used to cope with such social aspects of mental health problems are cited: consultation centers for alcoholics; 'sobering-up' stations in every district town; lectures on the harmful effects of drug addiction; the Opium Act; 1962 Ministry of Health Act guaranteeing psychiatric care for anyone attempting suicide; & the 'friendship line' available in all cities. E. Loomis.