Suchergebnisse

Artykuł jest próbą krytycznego socjologicznego spojrzenia na reformę samorządową przeprowadzoną w Polsce w 1990 r. oraz na jej kolejne korekty w 1999 i 2002 r. Krytyka ta odwołuje się do dwóch podstawowych koncepcji samorządu. Po pierwsze, do demokratycznych, obywatelskich, decentralizacyjnych idei Jerzego Regulskiego, głównego autora tej reformy. Po drugie, do rozwijanej w brytyjskim Institute of Local Government Studies koncepcji Michaela Clarka i Johna Stewarta dwóch typów relacji między władzą lokalną a mieszkańcami i co zatem idzie ‒ do dwóch typów zarządzania gminą: zarządzania zorientowanego na mieszkańca-klienta i zarządzania zorientowanego na mieszkańca-obywatela. Opierając się na krytyce tej reformy dokonanej przez samego Regulskiego piętnaście lat po jej wprowadzeniu oraz aktualnych danych zastanych i badaniach własnych, autor próbuje pokazać, że po kolejnych dziesięciu latach krytyka tej reformy jako niedostatecznie upodmiotowiającej mieszkańców jest co najmniej tak samo aktualna. Kanały demokratycznej artykulacji interesów różnych grup mieszkańców gmin są mało funkcjonalne, zwłaszcza w dużych miastach. ; In this paper the self-government reform of 1990 and its subsequent corrections of 1999 and 2002 are analysed from a sociological perspective. The critical analysis focuses on two basic concepts of self-governance: (i) the concept based on decentralisation, democratisation and citizenfocused government as represented by the main author of the reform Jerzy Regulski, and (ii) the concept currently being developed at the British Institute of Local Government Studies authored by Michael Clark and John Stewart, proposing two types of relations between a local authority and local residents, and consequently two types of commune and municipality (gmina) management: one oriented on the inhabitant-client and one oriented on the citizen-client relationship. Based on the criticism of the reform articulated by Regulski fifteen years after its implementation, as well as on the current data and his own analysis, the author proposes that today, after another ten years, the same criticism pointing to the still insufficient treatment of local residents as the main focus, or object of self-government concern, has lost none of its topicality. The channels of the democratic articulation of the interests of different groups of commune and municipality (gmina) inhabitants do not function properly, which is particularly evident in big cities.

In Poland, similarly to other countries, there is no unambiguous agreed explanation to the reasons for the observed decline in crime. The article analyses the impact of video monitoring systems on losses caused by three categories of offenses: (a) car theft, theft with burglary, theft from cars; (b) damage to cars; (c) robbery. To answer the question whether the installation of video surveillance systems has an impact on security, the economic effect of installing cameras in eight Polish cities (Gdańsk, Katowice, Kielce, Lublin, Łódź, Poznań, Warszawa, Wrocław), where video surveillance systems are well developed, is examined. Determining whether the installation of cameras contributes to the reduction of losses caused by crime allows assessing the suitability of cameras for improving public safety. The study partially confirms the effectiveness of video monitoring systems for a decrease in crime in the analysed categories of crime. However, other possible factors, in addition to the development of monitoring, may have an impact. Moreover, the impact is less pronounced in the case of the volume of losses caused by crime than the number of crimes. Thus, when assessing public policies regarding security, the number of offenses criterion is insufficient.

The aim ot the article is to analyze the barriers that hinder the development of active civic attitudes in Poland. The author reflects on three areas, corresponding to her research hypotheses. The first area concerns trust, which has remained at similarly low levels in Poland for years. The author argues that behavior and attitudes implied by a higher level of trust can successfully regulate cooperation among people, which may replace legal provisions in many fields.The second barrier is an area of religiousness, specific to Poland, which catalyzes citizens' activity. The third area of analysis pertains to the quality of political discourse in Poland, which becomes more and more suffused with agression with the aim of attracting attention of potential constituents rather than substantive discussion.

"Communality. In search of the binder for political community" is a study in the field of political philosophy. Its main idea is to analyze, interpret and systematize certain concepts which are present both in European philosophical thought and in cultural and political projects in Europe, and which bind together national and international communities. The study is carried out according to the criteria set by the author. For the sake of the study, a number of Polish and foreign philosophical texts have been selected, the importance of which enables us to capture both complexity and ambiguity of the problem. The foreign reflections on community are selected from the works of Plato, Aristotle, Cicero, Thomas Aquinas, Niccolò Machiavelli, Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Immanuel Kant, Alexis de Tocqueville, Soren Kierkegaard and Jürgen Habermas. The Polish philosophical thought on the issue is represented by Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski, Piotr Skarga, Hugo Kołłątaj, Maurycy Mochnacki, Karol Libelt, Felix Koneczny, Leszek Kołakowski, Adam Chmielewski and Andrzej Szahaj. The political and cultural projects and visions of the European unification which are analyzed in the study, were developed by Robert Schuman, Jacques Chirac, Angela Merkel, the Wise Men Group, and by the following popes: John Paul II, Benedict XVI and Francis. By adopting the two sided approach to the issue of the binder: the foreign one (which takes into account the things which are or could be common to everybody within their national and international communities and which are also present in various streams of European philosophical thought) and the Polish one (which concentrates mainly on the question of national unity) the author tries to tackle the problem from two different angles. Their common denominator lies in the issue of community bonds. What makes them different, however, is that the European approach can be seen in terms of the diversity of concepts which have originated in different environments and for the sake of ...

The meaning of citizenship is very difficult and problematic to define. It is ambigous to define because we have to also take into account psychological and sociological aspect. In the past citizenship was defined as connection between citizens and their countries. Nowadays we have a problem with it because the citizenship of the European Union is functioning. It is very problematic because European Union is an organization, not a country. Opponents of European Union says that citizenship of EU is very dangerous for nations. According to them the citizenship of EU may substitute citizenship of countries. That statement is untrue. EU citizenship thus complements national citizenship without replacing it. It results from judicature of the Constitutional Tribunal in Poland. The purpose of the article is the analysis of citizenship of EU and describing it. Besides, the authors want to explain other concepts connect with the meaning of citizenship of EU.

The paper is discussing the concept of shared sovereignty, coined by Jürgen Habermas, along with his theory of citizenship of the European Union. In particular, the Author of the paper makes reference to Habermas' model of EU citizenship in the light of the current legislation, policy and practice. The reference is made in an attempt to release whether the current shape, or condition, of European citizenship corresponds to its conceptual content and to clarify the general direction for the change as it could be fully implemented. All those issues are mentioned with a view to answer a very fundamental question, namely how to ensure the democratic legitimacy of the European Union? W swojej koncepcji dzielonej suwerenności ludu J. Habermas, nawiązując niejako do filozofii I. Kanta, próbuje odpowiedzieć na zasadnicze pytanie: jaki kształt musiałoby przybrać obywatelstwo Unii Europejskiej, aby jednostki mogły same siebie postrzegać jako obywateli UE? Niniejszy artykuł stanowi próbę odniesienia przyjętego przez J. Habermasa abstrakcyjnego modelu obywatelstwa UE do obowiązujących uregulowań prawnych oraz praktyki politycznej. Analiza przyjętego przez J. Habermasa modelu obywatelstwa UE posłuży również ukazaniu, na ile obecny kształt obywatelstwa unijnego odpowiada jego konceptualnej treści, a także w jakim kierunku muszą podążać zmiany, aby w pełni ją zrealizować. Wszystkie wymienione powyżej zagadnienia spaja fundamentalne pytanie: jak zapewnić Unii Europejskiej demokratyczną legitymizację?

The article describes narrative construction of identity by immigrants settled in Poland, who do not want to apply for citizenship of the receiving country. The reasons of their disinterest in the Polish citizenship include: obtaining an intermediate status (permanent residence), prohibition of dual citizenship in the country of origin, administrative difficulties associated with naturalisation in Poland. The lack of Polish citizenship does not exclude new national identity connected with the receiving country. Status and biographical experiences of the explored group do not support a static, stable vision of national belonging. In the denizens' narratives, it is the cultural competences and length of stay in the country that decide about identity and connection to the sending or receiving country. Being an immigrant, even in the cases of long-term migration, means continuous negotiation between the connection with the country of origin and the new identity developed in the receiving country. ; Artykuł opisuje narracyjne konstruowanie tożsamości przez osiadłych w Polsce wieloletnich imigrantów, którzy spełniają kryteria naturalizacji, ale nie chcą starać się o obywatelstwo państwa przyjmującego. Wśród przyczyn rezygnacji z polskiego obywatelstwa najczęściej wymieniają uzyskanie statusu pośredniego (karty stałego pobytu), a także zakaz posiadania podwójnego obywatelstwa w państwie pochodzenia oraz trudności biurokratyczne towarzyszące naturalizacji w Polsce. Nie wyklucza to jednak nowej tożsamości narodowej związanej z krajem przyjmującym. Status i doświadczenia biograficzne badanych nie wspierają stabilnej, statycznej wizji przynależności narodowej. W narracjach denizenów to kompetencje kulturowe oraz okres pobytu w danym kraju ujmowane są jako czynniki kształtujące tożsamość i przywiązanie do państwa wysyłającego lub przyjmującego. Bycie na emigracji, nawet wieloletniej i osiedleńczej, oznacza jednak stałe negocjowanie pomiędzy utożsamianiem się z krajem pochodzenia a nową tożsamością wynikającą z zakorzenienia w społeczeństwie przyjmującym.

Assumption of the Treaty about the European Union of 7 February 1992 opened an important chapter in the sphere of the community regulation of the status of citizens of the European Union and its institutional reforms. The treaty constituted the legal construction of the citizenship of the European Union and the consequent rights, which had to be protected by judicial and extrajudicial mechanisms, among them, the institution of the European Ombudsman deserves special attention. The idea of the appointment of the institution of the Ombudsman on the community level was enrolled into experiences in many member countries from which it resulted, i.e. the independent institution like ombudsman, can create the elastic and effective system of the controlling of authorities, warranting that the right is justly practical and protects citizens. This was especially essential in consideration of the fact that the first economic integration and the further enlargement of the competence had gone toward the more and more deeper integration, both legal and political. Further development and the evolution of Commonwealths could not follow separately from citizens and their composite needs, and this manner it was necessary to acknowledge to them additional rights, entering into the range of the new institution of the European citizenship. In the article there was introduced the idea of the European citizenship and its influence on the origin of the European Ombudsman, and also two ideas of the institution of Ombudsman effluent from Danish and Spanish experiences.

The Hungarian Card exemplifies how to solve nationality and citizenship issues in the transforming international reality after the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the expansion of the European Union. Regardless of the dispute in Hungary, as well as among EU politicians, Hungarian law has emphasized the need to redefine the concept of the nation, or even to substitute the political sense of this concept with the status of state membership or citizenship. The Hungarian Card, how it was passed and then successively amended, evidences that a regional policy is actually operating in Central Europe. Additionally, this Hungarian law has accelerated work on similar regulations in other countries, including Poland. ; The Hungarian Card exemplifies how to solve nationality and citizenship issues in the transforming international reality after the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the expansion of the European Union. Regardless of the dispute in Hungary, as well as among EU politicians, Hungarian law has emphasized the need to redefine the concept of the nation, or even to substitute the political sense of this concept with the status of state membership or citizenship. The Hungarian Card, how it was passed and then successively amended, evidences that a regional policy is actually operating in Central Europe. Additionally, this Hungarian law has accelerated work on similar regulations in other countries, including Poland.

The Hungarian Card exemplifies how to solve nationality and citizenship issues in the transforming international reality after the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the expansion of the European Union. Regardless of the dispute in Hungary, as well as among EU politicians, Hungarian law has emphasized the need to redefine the concept of the nation, or even to substitute the political sense of this concept with the status of state membership or citizenship. The Hungarian Card, how it was passed and then successively amended, evidences that a regional policy is actually operating in Central Europe. Additionally, this Hungarian law has accelerated work on similar regulations in other countries, including Poland.

Europeanism exceeds the political and social mindset, it also provides the way of thinking about Europe, the Europeans, their identity, culture and homogeneity, which is paradoxically constituted on the basis of heterogeneity ("unity in diversity"). One may distinguishes two contrary approaches towards the UE: Euroscepticism and Euroenthusiasm The first orientation is very vivid in the British society and it is reflected not only in the words of politicians but also in the mood of the nation, expressed in the Brexit referendum. The latter orientation is common among Poles who enjoy the privilege of joining to the exclusive club. The European and citizenship education reflect these antagonistic approaches. The aim of the paper is an attempt to reconstruct and analyse the contemporary debate on citizenship education in the perspective of European Union. The analyse of educational trends about Europe and Europeanism is significant if Brexit is taking into the consideration. ; Europeanism exceeds the political and social mindset, it also provides the way of thinking about Europe, the Europeans, their identity, culture and homogeneity, which is paradoxically constituted on the basis of heterogeneity ("unity in diversity"). One may distinguishes two contrary approaches towards the UE: Euroscepticism and Euroenthusiasm The first orientation is very vivid in the British society and it is reflected not only in the words of politicians but also in the mood of the nation, expressed in the Brexit referendum. The latter orientation is common among Poles who enjoy the privilege of joining to the exclusive club. The European and citizenship education reflect these antagonistic approaches. The aim of the paper is an attempt to reconstruct and analyse the contemporary debate on citizenship education in the perspective of European Union. The analyse of educational trends about Europe and Europeanism is significant if Brexit is taking into the consideration.

Assumption of the Treaty about the European Union of 7 February 1992 opened an important chapter in the sphere of the community regulation of the status of citizens of the European Union and its institutional reforms. The treaty constituted the legal construction of the citizenship of the European Union and the consequent rights, which had to be protected by judicial and extrajudicial mechanisms, among them, the institution of the European Ombudsman deserves special attention. The idea of the appointment of the institution of the Ombudsman on the community level was enrolled into experiences in many member countries from which it resulted, i.e. the independent institution like ombudsman, can create the elastic and effective system of the controlling of authorities, warranting that the right is justly practical and protects citizens. This was especially essential in consideration of the fact that the first economic integration and the further enlargement of the competence had gone toward the more and more deeper integration, both legal and political. Further development and the evolution of Commonwealths could not follow separately from citizens and their composite needs, and this manner it was necessary to acknowledge to them additional rights, entering into the range of the new institution of the European citizenship. In the article there was introduced the idea of the European citizenship and its influence on the origin of the European Ombudsman, and also two ideas of the institution of Ombudsman effluent from Danish and Spanish experiences. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

The article discusses the shape of the Turkish political scene in the period from the death of Mustafa Kemal to the loss of power by the People's Republican Party, ruling since 1923. The author focuses mainly on the attempts to introduce a multi-party system and the reasons for the change of government in Turkey. The article was prepared based on source analysis (archival and press)and studies on the period under study. The conducted query clearly shows that the main reason for the loss of power by the Kemalists was the economic problems of the state, the lack of a formulated program that would include the interests of peasants and workers, and the lack of interest in their situation, as well as the loss of authority enjoyed by Mustafa Kemal. All these factors led to the election being lost in 1950. ; Artykuł szczegółowo omawia ukształtowanie tureckiej sceny politycznej w okresie od śmierci Mustafy Kemala do utraty władzy przez rządzącą od 1923 r. Partię Ludowo-Republikańską. Autorka skupia się w szczególności na próbach wprowadzenia ustroju wielopartyjnego oraz przyczynach zmiany władzy w Turcji. Tekst został opracowany na podstawie analizy źródłowej (archiwalnej oraz prasowej) oraz analizy opracowań dotyczących badanej epoki. Z przeprowadzonej kwerendy jednoznacznie wynika, iż głównymi powodami utraty władzy przez kemalistów były problemy ekonomiczne państwa, brak sformułowanego programu, który obejmowałby interesy chłopów i robotników, oraz brak zainteresowania ich sytuacją, a także utrata autorytetu w stosunku do tego, jakim cieszył się Mustafa Kemal. Te wszystkie czynniki doprowadziły do przegrania wyborów w 1950 r.