Suchergebnisse

To ensure the achievement of business goals and objectives as stated in the opening of the State Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia year 1945 general election need to be executed to generate the representatives of the people and the Government of the Democratic based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution. Whether a successful implementation process concurrent general elections April 17, 2019 as a National agenda is set not just on one side only, but will be the shared responsibility of all electoral stakeholders in the unity of the Republic of Indonesia which we love do we as Governments or as the organizer of the election (Election Commission, BAWASLU, DKPP); The participants of the election (political party for the elections of members of Parliament, members of Provincial, Regency/City DPRD members; individuals for DPD, and candidates proposed by political parties or political parties combined). The Government should give a trial on all the people, the atmosphere is conducive in the implementation of the election does not belong to a group of interests, Government Officials in this case should be an example and a role model in the Westernization of Pancasila. Political parties serve as a means of political education and increasing participation but in reality a lot of the behavior and attitudes of assumed the party who did not educate the public, the occurrence of dualism leadership marked the existence of conflict internal party; or partner aspiring to grow increasing the political participation of society only offers a program with the promise – a promise that pompous in the campaign by not considering the ability of the nation's economy. Organizers in organizing general elections must have a high commitment, high integrity and independent to achieve democracy through the elections with emphasis on principles of organizing elections that independent, Honest, fair, Orderly, legal certainty, the public interest, Proportionality, openness, professionalism, accountability, efficiency, effective, and accessibility as a people's mandate through electoral legislation. Keywords: constitution, stakeholder, electoral

One of the major causes of motor vehicle accidents is when a vehicle runs a red light. Nationwide, these accidents often result in injury, death, and property damages, which can range in the millions. The purpose of this Leadership White Paper is to determine the effectiveness of red light camera systems on reducing motor vehicle accidents and enhancing public safety. A study conducted by the Insurance Institute for Highway Safety has shown that intersections monitored by red light cameras have a reduction in right angle traffic accidents ("Camera enforcement," 2011). Reducing the number of traffic accidents at any given intersection has multiple effects, including enhanced public safety, officer safety, and public trust. Law enforcement agencies across the nation are faced with staffing levels that are lower than desired. This lack of manpower often requires agencies to focus their attention on more pressing issues other than traffic enforcement. Intersections that are monitored by red light camera systems no longer need to be visually monitored by patrol officers or deputies. This, in turn, frees up the street patrol units to focus their attention on other public safety related matters. City governments and county commissioners typically do not incur any of the operating cost of red light camera systems. These systems are installed and maintained by a private company who, in turn, receives a portion of the fines assessed by the local governments. These fines are a source of revenue for the local governments with little to no investment. It is widely believed that red light camera systems are necessary to change driver behavior. This change in behavior is based on the belief that as the motorist approaches a monitored intersection, he or she will become more cognizant of the traffic signal and their distance from safely clearing the intersection. This change in driver behavior is believed to translate into a reduction in accidents. Achieving a higher percentage of safety among the nation's drivers can be achieved through a combination of intelligent engineering, driver education, and traffic enforcement. The focus of this document will be on the traffic enforcement aspect of driver behavior.

In order to reconstruct the origin and development of neo-Pentecostal devices for the treatment of addictions in the City of Buenos Aires, Argentina, the article analytically puts into historical context the "therapeutic spiritualization" of addictive behavior undertaken by evangelical agents since the 1970s and explores the way in which the State and religious groups converge in the Recover Inclusion Program. Based on qualitative methodology and a sociological approach and carried out in 2015 and 2016, the study includes fourteen interviews with teachers, leaders and former users of the program, twelve interviews with state officials, participant observation in training courses and a corpus made up of documents related to both institutions. The emergent processes of political and religious institutionalization were analyzed according to three dimensions: a) charisma and its opposite, bureaucracy, b) the dynamic role of the second lines of leadership and c) the networked organization structures. It is concluded that points of convergence and analogies exist in the dynamics of evangelical and public institutionalization in addiction treatment. ; Para reconstruir el origen y desarrollo de los dispositivos neopentecostales dirigidos al tratamiento de adicciones en la Ciudad de Buenos Aires, Argentina, el artículo periodiza analíticamente los impulsos de "espiritualización terapéutica" de la conducta adictiva que emprenden los agentes evangélicos a partir de la década de 1970 y explora el modo en que el Estado y los grupos religiosos convergen en el Programa Recuperar Inclusión. Desde una metodología cualitativa y un enfoque sociológico entre 2015 y 2016, se realizaron catorce entrevistas a profesores, dirigentes y ex usuarios del programa, doce entrevistas a responsables estatales, observación participante en los cursos de formación y se conformó un corpus de documentos relativo a ambas instituciones. Los procesos emergentes de institucionalización política y religiosa se analizaron de acuerdo a tres dimensiones: a) el carisma y su par opuesto, la burocracia, b) al rol dinamizador de las segundas líneas y c) las estructuras de organización en red. Se concluye que existen encuentros y analogías entre las dinámicas de institucionalización evangélica y pública en el tratamiento de las adicciones.

Abstrak Pemerintah Kota Semarang melakukan upaya pengendalian kasus DBD dengan pembentukan Petugas Surveilans Kesehatan (Gasurkes) DBD sesuai Perda Kota Semarang Nomor 5 Tahun 2010. Kelurahan Meteseh dan Kelurahan Tembalang merupakan dua kelurahan yang menyumbang IR tertinggi. IR Kelurahan Meteseh tahun 2015 sebanyak 236,24/100.000 dan tahun 2016 sebanyak 241,96/100.000. IR Kelurahan Tembalang tahun 2015 sebanyak 246,22/100.000 dan tahun 2016 sebanyak 504,39/100.000. Tujuan penelitian untuk menganalisis kinerja Gasurkes dalam upaya penanggulangan DBD di kelurahan endemis. Jenis penelitian merupakan penelitian kualitatif dengan rancangan deskriptif diperoleh dengan wawancara mendalam kepada 4 informan utama dan 7 informan triangulasi ditentukan dengan teknik purposive sampling. Hasil menunjukkan pengetahuan Gasurkes kurang baik, terdapat persepsi baik, kurangnya motivasi, belum diberlakukannya imbalan, dukungan lingkungan sosial ekonomi politik yang belum optimal, proses kepemimpinan yang belum optimal, beban kerja yang belum merata, tenaga yang belum mencukupi dan sarana yang sudah mencukupi. Simpulan penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kinerja Gasurkes dalam upaya penanggulangan DBD di kelurahan endemis belum optimal. Abstract Semarang government made efforts to control DHF cases with the formation of health surveillance officers (Gasurkes) according to semarang city local regulation number 5 of 2010. Meteseh and tembalang urban village contributed the highest IR. The IR of Meteseh urban village in 2015 were 236,24/100.000 and 241,96/100.000 in 2016. The IR of Tembalang Village in 2015 were 246,22/100.000 and 504,39/100.000 in 2016. The purpose of this research was to analyze the performance of in effort to prevent DHF in endemic village. The type of this research was qualitative research with descriptive design obtained by in-depth interview to 4 main informant and 7 triangulation informant were determined by purposive sampling technique. The result showed that the knowledge of Gasurkes was not good, there was good perception, lack of motivation, unenacted reward, socio-economic environment support not optimal, leadership process had not optimal, uneven workload, insufficient staff and sufficient facilities. The conclusions of the research showed that the performance of Gasurkes in the effort of DHF prevention in endemic village had not optimal. Keyword :Performance, Gasurkes, DHF Effort Prevention

In June 2013 an unprecedented movement spearheaded by young people took to the streets of Brazilian cities. Despite the diversity of explanations of the protests, one thing became clear: the urban question was at the center of events. Brazil has become an international role model for its innovations in social policy and even urban policy. There have been social struggles for a democratic city. New policies, new programs, new projects, and a Ministry of Cities have been created. This democratic and participatory process has taken place in the context of fiscal adjustment and therefore contention over resources. When the federal government resumed investment in cities following a developmentalist project, capital linked to the production of space took over the leadership of the urban process and the virtuous cycle of urban policy declined. Investment in works directed by the real estate market in the context of mega-events such as the World Cup and the Olympics together with tax relief for the purchase of automobiles deepened the deterioration of urban living conditions, especially housing and mobility. Em junho de 2013 um grupo de jovens criou uma onda de protestos jamais vistos nas cidades brasileiras. Não obstante a multiplicidade de explicações para esses protestos, algo ficou claro: a questão urbana era o elemento central desses eventos. O Brasil tornou-se modelo internacional para inovações em política social e urbana. Havia uma luta social por centros urbanos democráticos. Novas políticas, novos programas, novos projetos e um Ministério das Cidades foram criados. Esse processo democrático e participatório ocorreu num contexto de ajuste fiscal e consequentemente de contenção de despesas. Quando o governo federal retomou os investimentos em cidades após um projeto desenvolvimentista, o capital atrelado à produção de espaço tomou as rédeas do processo de urbanização e o ciclo virtuoso da política urbana foi interrompido. Investimentos em projetos direcionados pelo mercado imobiliário no contexto de megaeventos como a Copa do Mundo e as Olimpíadas, bem como incentivos fiscais para a compra de automóveis, aumentaram a deterioração da qualidade de vida urbana, especialmente no que diz respeito à moradia e à mobilidade.

The province of Santa Fe has been one of the most important provinces of our country due to its political history and its economic and social development. In this context the managerial leadership santafesina with its activity and strategies of management has been part of this development and where it is crucial the development of networks that strengthen the synergy between the state, firms and society. In this paper we focus our work on how the networks between the economic managerial culture santafesina and the political power are developed. This research was carried out through in depth interviews conducted with key managerial leaders of the city and the province of Santa Fe between 2015 and 2016. The paper presents the principal findings on the development of networks between the managerial santafesino world and the politics posing a final question that serves as the basis for future research concerning the topic of the role of the state in this context of networks. ; La provincia de Santa Fe, por su historia política y su desarrollo económico y social es y ha sido, una de las provincias más importantes de nuestro país. En este marco, la dirigencia empresarial santafesina con su actividad y estrategias de gestión ha sido parte de este desarrollo, en donde además, cobra un rol central la construcción de redes que fortalecen la sinergia entre Estado, Empresa y Sociedad. En este trabajo de investigación nos centramos en indagar cómo se construyen las redes entre la cultura económica empresarial santafesina y el poder político. La investigación se llevó adelante a través de entrevistas en profundidad realizadas a destacados dirigentes empresariales de la ciudad y la provincia de Santa Fe, entre los años 2015 y 2016. Se presentan aquí los principales hallazgos sobre la construcción de redes entre el mundo empresarial santafesino y la política, dejando un interrogante final que sirve como disparador para futuras investigaciones en torno al tema del rol del Estado en este contexto de redes.

Анализируются причины и мотивация перехода отдельных советских граждан на сторону нацистской Германии в период Великой Отечественной войны. Основным источником для написания данной статьи послужили материалы архивно-уголовных дел Управления КГБ СССР по Белгородской области в отношении лиц, которые в период временной оккупации региона добровольно поступили в гражданские и репрессивные органы власти, созданные немецкими захватчиками и их союзниками. Выяснено, что основными причинами, подтолкнувшими отдельных советских граждан перейти на службу нацистской Германии, явились ненависть к советской власти, желание отомстить за родных и близких, стремление выслужиться перед оккупационными властями, авантюристические и преступные наклонности. Установлено, что при назначении на начальствующие должности в репрессивные органы (городскую, районную полицию, жандармерию), коллаборационистские органы гражданского управления (городские головы, бургомистры, начальники отделов, старшины) на территории юго-восточных районов Курской области руководством немецких оккупационных властей и разведывательных органов во внимание принималось искреннее желание служить интересам гитлеровской Германии.DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2016)2-05 ; The article analyzes the reasons and motivation for some Soviet citizens' desertion to Nazi Germany in the Great Patriotic War. The article is based on archival materials of criminal cases of the KGB of the USSR in the Belgorod region in relation to persons who in the period of temporary occupation of the region volunteered to the civil and repressive bodies established by the German invaders and their allies. It was found that the main reasons which prompted some Soviet citizens to serve for Nazi Germany were hatred of the Soviet regime, the desire to avenge their relatives and friends, the desire to curry favor with the occupation authorities, reckless and criminal propensities. It was stated that in the appointment for the chief of positions in repressive bodies (city, district police, gendarmerie) collaborationist organs of civil government (mayor, mayors, heads of departments, foremen) in the south-eastern districts of the Kursk region, the leadership of the German occupation authorities and intelligence authorities took into consideration the sincere desire to serve the interests of Nazi Germany.DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2016)2-05

Colombia in various racial and cultural colours. More beautiful and vistorous than the shades of the grand sea in seven colours in San Andrés to the north or the Whipala flag identifying indigenous ethnicities along the Los Andes Cordillera; from the Bolivian altiplanade to the southern green mountains or the eastern mountain range in the centre of the country. These colours have been striving for hundreds of years ago for the West, and more recently, decades ago, for the same Colombians. Those who since a return nomination are called guerrillas, paramilitaries or opposition, but who are ultimately Colombians, have embarked on a war that the nation is outraged because of social inequalities or morbiquitous wishes of power. Its colours have been dyed in blood red. But beyond the mountains or the city urbe, political and social processes have flourished, helping to make this cultural plurality survive corruption, lack of social investment and understanding by the national government that it needs to be transformed. We hope with optimistic that before the end of the 21st century this lasted land will have the opportunity to join Latin American social and cultural reconstruction steps: Ecuador with Rafael, Bolivia with Evo, Uruguay with the legacy of Pepe Mujica, Venezuela with the history written by Chávez (QEPD) and the leadership of Maduro and Argentina with Nestor Kirchner (QEPD) and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. National processes that have offered 'no voice' opportunities to co-exist, become visible and communicate. Centre for Communication Research and Development, Cultural Industries and Television ; Colombia es de diversos colores raciales y culturales.Más hermosos y vistosos que las tonalidades del grandioso mar de siete colores en San Andrés al norte o la bandera Whipala que identifica etnias indígenas a lo largo de la Cordillera de Los Andes; desde el altiplano Boliviano hasta las montañas del verde Sur o las de la Cordillera Oriental en el Centro del país. Lastimosamente esos colores han intentado ...

The article is organised in five parts: first, we offer a brief overview of the protests and the concept of the 'right to the city'; second, we discuss arguments about the role of democracy and representation, and Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan's authoritarian leadership style in relation to the cause of the protests; third, we put forward our case for comparing the protests with those which occurred in similarly rising economies, namely Brazil, rather than the demonstrations that occurred in countries experiencing a downward economic turn; fourth, we explore the role of young people in the protests; and finally, we look at where the movement is now. ; El trabajo está organizado en cinco partes: En primer lugar, ofrecemos un breve resumen de las protestas y el concepto de "derecho a la ciudad"; En segundo lugar, se discuten los argumentos sobre el papel de la democracia y la representación y el estilo de liderazgo autoritario del Primer Ministro de Turquía, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, a la causa de las protestas; tercero, presentamos nuestro caso al comparar las protestas a los ocurridos en economías emergentes similares, como Brasil, es decir, en lugar de los hechos ocurridos en los países que experimentan una curva de declinación económica; cuarto, se explora el papel de los jóvenes en las protestas; y, por último, nos fijamos en donde el movimiento es ahora. ; O artigo está organizado em cinco partes: primeiro, oferecemos um breve resumo dos protestos e o conceito de "direito à cidade"; segundo, discutimos argumentos sobre o papel da democracia e representação, e estilo de liderança autoritário do Primeiro-Ministro da Turquia Recep Tayyip Erdogan em relação à causa dos protestos; terceiro, apresentamos nosso caso ao comparar os protestos com aqueles ocorridos em economias emergentes semelhantes, como o Brasil. Ou seja, em vez das manifestações que ocorreram em países que experimentam uma curva de declínio económico; quarto,exploramos o papel dos jovens nos protestos; e, finalmente, olhamos para onde o ...

Gegenstand der vorliegenden Dissertation ist die Forschung auf der Insel Riems, einem der auch heutzutage wichtigsten Forschungsstandorte für Tierkrankheiten, von 1933 bis 1945 unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des Einsatzes der NS-Zwangsarbeiter. Es wird die durch die geografische Lage, die Forschungsschwerpunkte sowie die innerbetriebliche Struktur besondere Situation der Anstalt verdeutlicht, die eng mit Leben und Werk der leitenden Wissenschaftler verknüpft ist. Neben der Darstellung der Forschung und des Zwangsarbeitereinsatzes zeigt die vorliegende Arbeit das konstante Ringen der jeweiligen Direktoren seit Gründung der Forschungsanstalt mit den verantwortlichen Behörden, um durch eine bestmögliche materielle und personelle Ausstattung des Instituts die Forschungsarbeiten vorantreiben und die Ziele weitestgehend erreichen zu können. Ein Erinnerungsbericht eines ehemaligen Italienischen Militärinternierten eröffnete die Möglichkeit, auch die Lebens- und Arbeitsbedingungen der Zwangsarbeiter auf dem Riems näher zu untersuchen. Aus den untersuchten Archivquellen und der Literaturbasis wurden die Verknüpfungen zwischen wirtschaftlichen und wissenschaftlichen Zwängen, zwischen den Machtstrukturen des nationalsozialistischen Regimes und der Leitung des Institutes und letztlich zwischen den Betriebsangehörigen und den Zwangsarbeitern analysiert. Hieraus ergibt sich ein differenziertes Bild der Forschung und des Zwangsarbeitereinsatzes auf der Insel Riems, das auch die Hintergründe ausführlich beleuchtet. Es wird in dieser Arbeit deutlich, inwieweit in dem geschichtlichen Umfeld der Zeit von 1933 bis 1945 medizinische Forschung durch hohes Engagement der führenden Persönlichkeit, durch Integration und Kollaboration mit dem NS-Regime sowie dem Einsatz von Zwangsarbeitern hat überleben können. Diese medizinisch-historische Untersuchung definiert einen wesentlichen Teil der Basis, auf der die aktuelle Forschung beruht. ; The Research Institute on the island of Riems in the Baltic Sea was founded by Friedrich Loeffler in 1910 in order to continue his work on the foot-and-mouth-disease (FMD). His experiments in the city of Greifswald had been forbidden due to outbreaks of FMD in neighbouring stables. Loeffler left 1913 to head the Robert-Koch-Institute in Berlin. Veterinarian Otto Waldmann took over the leadership on Riems in 1919. He continued Loeffler's research on FMD and worked on improving the vaccine against FMD. 1938 Waldmann finally developed an active FMD vaccine. In all respects work in the Riems Research Institute depended largely on the commitment of the leading scientists. Especially the time during World War II required hard efforts to keep research work going. The main problem was a shortage of man power, as most of the staff was drafted. This work shows the institute's development from 1933 to 1945, depicting the major research topics. Furthermore, the use of forced labour and its conditions are examined. Sources from various archives and literature highlight Otto Waldmann's efforts in leading the Institute, caught between scientific goals, economic necessities and ideological guidelines. This thesis also explores the national socialist government's attempts on influencing the Research Institute.

Kurzzusammenfassung: Gegenstand der vorliegenden Dissertation ist die Forschung auf der Insel Riems, einem der auch heutzutage wichtigsten Forschungsstandorte für Tierkrankheiten, von 1933 bis 1945 unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des Einsatzes der NS-Zwangsarbeiter. Es wird die durch die geografische Lage, die Forschungsschwerpunkte sowie die innerbetriebliche Struktur besondere Situation der Anstalt verdeutlicht, die eng mit Leben und Werk der leitenden Wissenschaftler verknüpft ist. Neben der Darstellung der Forschung und des Zwangsarbeitereinsatzes zeigt die vorliegende Arbeit das konstante Ringen der jeweiligen Direktoren seit Gründung der Forschungsanstalt mit den verantwortlichen Behörden, um durch eine bestmögliche materielle und personelle Ausstattung des Instituts die Forschungsarbeiten vorantreiben und die Ziele weitestgehend erreichen zu können. Ein Erinnerungsbericht eines ehemaligen Italienischen Militärinternierten eröffnete die Möglichkeit, auch die Lebens- und Arbeitsbedingungen der Zwangsarbeiter auf dem Riems näher zu untersuchen. Aus den untersuchten Archivquellen und der Literaturbasis wurden die Verknüpfungen zwischen wirtschaftlichen und wissenschaftlichen Zwängen, zwischen den Machtstrukturen des nationalsozialistischen Regimes und der Leitung des Institutes und letztlich zwischen den Betriebsangehörigen und den Zwangsarbeitern analysiert. Hieraus ergibt sich ein differenziertes Bild der Forschung und des Zwangsarbeitereinsatzes auf der Insel Riems, das auch die Hintergründe ausführlich beleuchtet. Es wird in dieser Arbeit deutlich, inwieweit in dem geschichtlichen Umfeld der Zeit von 1933 bis 1945 medizinische Forschung durch hohes Engagement der führenden Persönlichkeit, durch Integration und Kollaboration mit dem NS-Regime sowie dem Einsatz von Zwangsarbeitern hat überleben können. Diese medizinisch-historische Untersuchung definiert einen wesentlichen Teil der Basis, auf der die aktuelle Forschung beruht. ; Abstract: The Research Institute on the island of Riems in the Baltic Sea was founded by Friedrich Loeffler in 1910 in order to continue his work on the foot-and-mouth-disease (FMD). His experiments in the city of Greifswald had been forbidden due to outbreaks of FMD in neighbouring stables. Loeffler left 1913 to head the Robert-Koch-Institute in Berlin. Veterinarian Otto Waldmann took over the leadership on Riems in 1919. He continued Loeffler's research on FMD and worked on improving the vaccine against FMD. 1938 Waldmann finally developed an active FMD vaccine. In all respects work in the Riems Research Institute depended largely on the commitment of the leading scientists. Especially the time during World War II required hard efforts to keep research work going. The main problem was a shortage of man power, as most of the staff was drafted. This work shows the institute's development from 1933 to 1945, depicting the major research topics. Furthermore, the use of forced labour and its conditions are examined. Sources from various archives and literature highlight Otto Waldmann's efforts in leading the Institute, caught between scientific goals, economic necessities and ideological guidelines. This thesis also explores the national socialist government's attempts on influencing the Research Institute.

Michael Bérubé discusses his son who has Down's Syndrome and his son's education process, then discusses some ideas about how the theory and practice of democracy affects the concept of inalienable human rights. Bérubé is the Edwin Erle Sparks Professor of Literature at Pennsylvania State University, where he teaches American literature, disability studies, and cultural studies. He is the author of several books on cultural studies, disability rights, liberal and conservative politics, and debates in higher education. From 2010 to 2017, he was the Director of the Institute for the Arts and Humanities at Penn State; from 1997 to 2001 he was the founding director of the Illinois Program for Research in the Humanities. He was the 2012 president of the Modern Language Association, and served as vice president from 2010–2011. He served two terms on the National Council of the American Association of University Professors from 2005 to 2011, and three terms on the AAUP's Committee A on Academic Freedom and Tenure from 2009 to 2018. He was a member of the International Advisory Board of the Consortium of Humanities Centers and Institutes for two terms, 2011-2017. Bérubé was named a University Scholar for research at the University of Illinois in 1995 and was awarded the Faculty Scholar medal for research from Penn State in 2012. The son of Maurice Berube (now Eminent Scholar Emeritus and Professor Emeritus of Educational Leadership at Old Dominion University),Bérubé was born and raised in New York City. He attended Regis High School.He received a B.A. in English from Columbia University in 1982 and a Ph.D. in English from the University of Virginia, where he studied from 1983 to 1989. Bérubé held a professorship in the English department at the University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign from 1989 to 2001, where he was affiliated with the Unit for Criticism and Interpretive Theory and the Afro-American Studies and Research Program. In 2001, Bérubé moved to Penn State for the then-newly created Paterno Family Professorship in Literature, from which he resigned in the wake of the Penn State child sex abuse scandal.

La representación política en general y la sindical en particular, independientemente de los modelos legales de cada país, supone una serie de lógicas de articulación de demandas y de constitución de identidades que en cada caso se resuelve de modo diferente, en función de una variedad de elementos entre los que se encuentra: las tradiciones políticas, los niveles de participación/delegación de las bases, la pluralidad expresada, la amplitud democrática (electorales, de participación, etc), el umbral de burocratización, los tipos de construcción de liderazgos, etc. En este trabajo se analizan los procesos de representación a partir de dos casos de organizaciones gremiales que dan cuenta de modalidades diferentes e incluso opuestas, de constitución de identidades político/sindicales. Desde una perspectiva eminentemente cualitativa realizaremos un análisis comparado de dos gremios que se disputan la representación de los trabajadores en el ámbito de la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires: La Asociación de Trabajadores del Estado (ATE) y el Sindicato Único de Trabajadores de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires (SUTECBA). ; Political representation in general and union representation in particular, independently of the legal models of each country, presuppose a series of logics of articulation of demands and constitution of identities that in each case is solved differently, depending on a variety of Elements such as: political tradition, the levels of participation / delegation of the bases, expressed plurality, democratic amplitude (electoral, participation, etc.), the threshold of bureaucratization, The types of leadership building, etc. This paper analyzes the processes of representation based on two cases of union organizations that account for different and even opposing modalities of constitution of political / union identities. From an eminently qualitative perspective we will make a comparative analysis of two guilds that dispute the representation of the workers in the ambit of the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires: The Asociación de Trabajadores del Estado (ATE) y the Sindicato Único de Trabajadores de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires (SUTECBA). ; Fil: Diana Menendez, Nicolas. Universidad Nacional de San Martín. Instituto de Altos Estudios Sociales; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

Purpose The American Negro is becoming more organization conscious with each succeeding generation. A large number of organizations are founded as a means of protest against certain evils which the Negro believes should be combatted through group activity. Others are formed for social, religious, political, or economic improvement and have become a distinct and component part of our American heritage. However, it is interesting to note how the Negro has patterned certain organizations after those of whites and merely prefixed or suffixed the name of the group or organization with the word "Negro." It is with this imitated phase of Institutional organization that we take cognizance of the events and conditions instrumental in the development of the Negro chamber of commerce movement in Texas. There is a direct relationship between the transition of certain factions or elements of our population and the development and expansion of businesses which in turn creates an atmosphere for the emergence of a chamber of commerce. The desires, aspirations, and previous experience of migrants moving into a new community add cultural, institutional, and economic development of any Consequently, this "new Negro" moving into the cities of Texas with a zeal to improve his conditions economically, educationally, and politically undertook through the organization, the realization of this needs and ambitions. He was not accepted as an integral part of the white organizations, so he aped the white chambers of commerce and other civic organizations which in many instances are endorsed and encouraged by the white chambers of commerce in his city. This study purports to interpret the development of the Negro chamber of commerce movement in Texas by; (1) Analysing the consciousness of the group who comprise the membership of the Negro chamber of commerce movement in Texas. (2) Discussing the leadership which has evolved from the chamber of commerce movement, (2) Ascertaining the value of the Negro chamber of commerce value in relation to the discipline within the group. With the foregoing objectives In mind, I have set myself to the task of presenting a comprehensive analysis of the Negro chamber of commerce movement in Texas

In fiscal year (FY) 2019 ERIA expanded the scope of its activities to help chart the future direction of ASEAN and East Asia. A review of ERIA's deliverables for FY2019 reveals that ERIA widely expanded its field of activities to help clear the path for the economic integration and development of East Asia. One such deliverable is the 'ASEAN Vision 2040' project. Based on its cooperation with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Thailand, ERIA provided a four-volume set of publications on the prospects of ASEAN and East Asia in 2040 from political-security, economic, and socio-cultural perspectives. In it ERIA proposed a message of collective leadership of the East Asia region, which means ASEAN centrality, for it to become the institutional hub for regional integration and economic and social development. The 34th ASEAN summit statement commended ASEAN Vision 2040 and provided recommendations on how to most effectively prepare ASEAN for the future, and in particular for the Fourth Industrial Revolution.