This dataset comprises initiatives from civil society organizations to respond to the COVID-19 pandemic in 18 countries in Latin America. This dataset complements the "LATINNO Dataset on Democratic Innovations in Latin America" and the "Collective Intelligence Initiatives against COVID-19 in Latin America Dataset", which only include cases that fulfill three criteria: direct citizen participation, design able to impact on policy cycle, and aim to enhance democracy. Case descriptions are provided only in Spanish and Portuguese.
Themen: Beurteilung des Films; Kritik an Präsentation, Text, Sprecher und Bildern des Films; Einstellung zur europäischen Einigung; Bereitschaft, wirtschaftliche Nachteile wegen der europäischen Einigung in Kauf zu nehmen; wirtschaftliche Vorteile der europäischen Einigung; Gründe für eine europäische Integration; Beeinflussung der Einstellung zur europäischen Idee durch den Film; Intention des Films zum vereinten Europa; Zielpublikum des Films.
This dataset comprises a selection of democratic innovations from the "LATINNO Dataset on Democratic Innovations in Latin America" which rely on collective intelligence to respond to problems resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic in 18 countries of Latin America. It complements the "Civil Society Responses to COVID-19 in Latin America Dataset" in which it comprises also governmental responses.
The LATINNO Dataset comprises data on 3700 democratic innovations evolved in 18 countries in Latin America. The data reflects the context, the institutional design, and the impact of democratic innovations from 1990 to 2020.
Die Organisationen des Dritten Sektors waren in Deutschland lange Zeit fast ausschließlich in drei Rechtsformen tätig: als Verein, als Stiftung oder als Genossenschaft. Als traditionelle Alternativen zu unternehmerischen Organisationsmodellen sind ihre Zielstellungen primär an solidarischen beziehungsweise zivilgesellschaftlichen Prinzipien ausgerichtet. Bereits seit den 1990er Jahren lässt sich innerhalb des gemeinnützigen Sektors in Deutschland jedoch ein neuer Rechtsformpragmatismus und mithin ein deutlicher Trend zur unternehmerischen Organisationsform beobachten. Gerade Vereine als Träger sozialer Dienstleistungen wurden häufig durch wirtschaftlichere, schlankere Organisationsformen ersetzt (Erster Engagementbericht 2012: 328). Auch werden marktfähige Organisationssegmente aus bisher integrierten Strukturen ausgegründet. Insbesondere die gemeinnützige GmbH (gGmbH) etablierte sich dabei als innovative Mischform aus privatwirtschaftlichem Unternehmen und Dritter-Sektor-Organisation.
The globalization process has brought questions regarding the detriments and benefits of a shrinking world to the forefront of academic research. The closer integration and intensification of worldwide social relations has become a social fact of our globalized era. Within this compression of social relations, technological advancements, and increase in travel, CouchSurfing (the largest and most general hospitality exchange network) materialized. While much excitement, speculation, and even fear has emerged in the popular press regarding hospitality exchange networks, there has been a dearth of academic and systematic exploration of the motivations, effects, meanings, and processes behind this growing phenomenon. This dataset will elucidate and provide a greater understanding of this alternative mode of travel in the following distinct, yet interrelated areas: emergence and sustained commitment of this transnational network; development of meaningful intercultural engagement; elements of risk and trust; insight into the interplay between the transnational network and local cultures; resistance to globalization; and finally the development and maintenance of international understanding and global civil society.
This project focused upon forms of participatory democracy elaborated 'from below' and implemented both in the internal organization of social movements and in experiments with deliberative decision-making. In particular, the project analyzed the issue of active democracy emerging in the theories and practices of movements demanding a 'globalization from below'. Social movements criticize the fundamentals of conventional practices of politics, and experiment with new models of democracy both in their internal structure and in the ways in which they interact with political institutions. Of particular interest for the project were the conceptions and practices of democracy developed in the global movement/s mobilizing transnationally and demanding social justice and participatory democracy. The ensuing debate about democracy is particularly relevant both for the development of civil society, and for the legitimization of political institutions at local, national and supranational levels. Our research – focusing on six European countries (France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, Spain and Switzerland), as well as the EU itself – embraced an analysis of documents pertaining to both movements and public institutions, websites, semi-structured interviews with Non-Governmental Organizations and public administrators, surveys of movement activists, participant observation of movement groups and experiences of participatory decision-making.
This project focused upon forms of participatory democracy elaborated 'from below' and implemented both in the internal organization of social movements and in experiments with deliberative decision-making. In particular, the project analyzed the issue of active democracy emerging in the theories and practices of movements demanding a 'globalization from below'. Social movements criticize the fundamentals of conventional practices of politics, and experiment with new models of democracy both in their internal structure and in the ways in which they interact with political institutions. Of particular interest for the project were the conceptions and practices of democracy developed in the global movement/s mobilizing transnationally and demanding social justice and participatory democracy. The ensuing debate about democracy is particularly relevant both for the development of civil society, and for the legitimization of political institutions at local, national and supranational levels. Our research – focusing on six European countries (France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, Spain and Switzerland), as well as the EU itself – embraced an analysis of documents pertaining to both movements and public institutions, websites, semi-structured interviews with Non-Governmental Organizations and public administrators, surveys of movement activists, participant observation of movement groups and experiences of participatory decision-making.
This project focused upon forms of participatory democracy elaborated 'from below' and implemented both in the internal organization of social movements and in experiments with deliberative decision-making. In particular, the project analyzed the issue of active democracy emerging in the theories and practices of movements demanding a 'globalization from below'. Social movements criticize the fundamentals of conventional practices of politics, and experiment with new models of democracy both in their internal structure and in the ways in which they interact with political institutions. Of particular interest for the project were the conceptions and practices of democracy developed in the global movement/s mobilizing transnationally and demanding social justice and participatory democracy. The ensuing debate about democracy is particularly relevant both for the development of civil society, and for the legitimization of political institutions at local, national and supranational levels. Our research – focusing on six European countries (France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, Spain and Switzerland), as well as the EU itself – embraced an analysis of documents pertaining to both movements and public institutions, websites, semi-structured interviews with Non-Governmental Organizations and public administrators, surveys of movement activists, participant observation of movement groups and experiences of participatory decision-making.
The economic crisis in Europe has placed solidarity at the top of public and policy agendas. But how strong is solidarity amongst Europeans, after almost 60 years of European integration? What do we know about beneficial and detrimental factors? And what should be done to safeguard or enhance European solidarity at the level of citizens, non-governmental organisations and policies? These and other questions were at the centre of TransSOL.
TransSOL was a transnational research project dedicated to providing systematic and practice-related knowledge about European solidarity at times of crisis. It brought together researchers and civil society practitioners from eight European countries—Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. The project started in June 2015 and ran until May 2018 (https://doi.org/10.3030/649435).
Work package 5 was devoted to the assessment and cross-country comparison of European solidarity in the public sphere. Here, the aim was to study public claims-making and the underlying ideas and norms of solidarity discussed in the mainstream mass media and online media. In particular, we sought to identify the extent to which European solidarity is granted public awareness and recognition, and what claims on behalf of or against European solidarity are made, and by whom. Moreover, we aimed to understand the discursive construction, reproduction or corrosion of European solidarity in all its contentiousness. Finally, we wished to show how claims and discourses about European solidarity are related to debates about European identities and cultures, and what effects contentions between various allegiances have. Findings helped to better understand if and to what extent public discourses, collective images and public opinions might have an inhibiting or beneficial impact on transnational solidarity at the individual and organisational levels.
This project aims to advance knowledge in labour politics by focusing on the 'contentious politics of unemployment', i.e. the relationship between political-institutional approaches to employment policy and political conflicts mobilized by collective actors over unemployment in the public domain. It is designed to study this topic at national, international comparative, and transnational levels. Key objectives: (a) to generate new data for longitudinal and comparative analyses of ideological and policy positions of actors and their relationships; (b) to study the potential for political participation 'from below' by citizens campaigning for the rights of the unemployed and the conditions under which existing organizational networks and policy dialogues transform in a more open civil policy deliberation; (c) to provide knowledge based on rigorous cross-national and EU-level transnational analyses allowing grounded empirical statements about the Europeanisation of the field.
As the contested and negotiated character of the employment policy field expresses itself both in the public domain and in the institutional arenas for interest mediation, we look both at political claim-making in the public space and policy deliberation within the polity. The overall design of the research has three main components: (a) mapping the field of political contention, i.e. structures of ideological cleavages and actor relationships, both longitudinally and cross-nationally; (b) examining the nature of the multi-organizational field extending from the core policy domain to the public domain, i.e. networks and channels of political influence between core policy actors and intermediary organizations, on one side, and civil society organizations and social movements representing the unemployed (including the unemployed themselves), on the other; (c) studying the nature of the interaction between EU-level and national policy-making by determining the channels of political influence that exist between European institutions and national policy domains in the field (the multi-level governance of employment policy), and examining to what extent there are new political opportunities for the bottom-up empowerment of citizens' organizations as a consequence of the emergence of the EU as an actor in the field. The body of data generated allows for longitudinal (1990-2002) and comparative (F, D, I, S, CH, UK) analyses of ideological and policy positions of actors and their relationships in the unemployment issue-field. It is backed up by interviews conducted with key actors in the organizational field (policy actors, employers associations, trade unions, parties, NGOs and social movements) both at the national and transnational levels. Innovative attempts are made to establish networks and links between the involved actors as part of our dissemination strategy, which is key to the overall success of the project.
This project aims to advance knowledge in labour politics by focusing on the 'contentious politics of unemployment', i.e. the relationship between political-institutional approaches to employment policy and political conflicts mobilized by collective actors over unemployment in the public domain. It is designed to study this topic at national, international comparative, and transnational levels. Key objectives: (a) to generate new data for longitudinal and comparative analyses of ideological and policy positions of actors and their relationships; (b) to study the potential for political participation 'from below' by citizens campaigning for the rights of the unemployed and the conditions under which existing organizational networks and policy dialogues transform in a more open civil policy deliberation; (c) to provide knowledge based on rigorous cross-national and EU-level transnational analyses allowing grounded empirical statements about the Europeanisation of the field.
As the contested and negotiated character of the employment policy field expresses itself both in the public domain and in the institutional arenas for interest mediation, we look both at political claim-making in the public space and policy deliberation within the polity. The overall design of the research has three main components: (a) mapping the field of political contention, i.e. structures of ideological cleavages and actor relationships, both longitudinally and cross-nationally; (b) examining the nature of the multi-organizational field extending from the core policy domain to the public domain, i.e. networks and channels of political influence between core policy actors and intermediary organizations, on one side, and civil society organizations and social movements representing the unemployed (including the unemployed themselves), on the other; (c) studying the nature of the interaction between EU-level and national policy-making by determining the channels of political influence that exist between European institutions and national policy domains in the field (the multi-level governance of employment policy), and examining to what extent there are new political opportunities for the bottom-up empowerment of citizens' organizations as a consequence of the emergence of the EU as an actor in the field. The body of data generated allows for longitudinal (1990-2002) and comparative (F, D, I, S, CH, UK) analyses of ideological and policy positions of actors and their relationships in the unemployment issue-field. It is backed up by interviews conducted with key actors in the organizational field (policy actors, employers associations, trade unions, parties, NGOs and social movements) both at the national and transnational levels. Innovative attempts are made to establish networks and links between the involved actors as part of our dissemination strategy, which is key to the overall success of the project.
Objectives: This project aims to advance knowledge in labour politics by focusing on the 'contentious politics of unemployment', i.e. the relationship between political institutional approaches to employment policy and political conflicts mobilized by collective actors over unemployment in the public domain. It is designed to study this topic at national, international comparative, and transnational levels. Key objectives: (a) to generate new data for longitudinal and comparative analyses of ideological and policy positions of actors and their relationships; (b) to study the potential for political participation 'from below' by citizens campaigning for the rights of the unemployed and the conditions under which existing organizational networks and policy dialogues transform in a more open civil policy deliberation; (c) to provide knowledge based on rigorous cross-national and EU-level transnational analyses allowing grounded empirical statements about the Europeanisation of the field. Description: As the contested and negotiated character of the employment policy field expresses itself both in the public domain and in the institutional arenas for interest mediation, we look both at political claim-making in the public space and policy deliberation within the polity. The overall design of the research has three main components: (a) mapping the field of political contention, i.e. structures of ideological cleavages and actor relationships, both longitudinally and cross-nationally; (b) examining the nature of the multi-organizational field extending from the core policy domain to the public domain, i.e. networks and channels of political influence between core policy actors and intermediary organizations, on one side, and civil society organizations and social movements representing the unemployed (including the unemployed themselves), on the other; (c) studying the nature of the interaction between EU-level and national policy-making by determining the channels of political influence that exist between European institutions and national policy domains in the field (the multi-level governance of employment policy), and examining to what extent there are new political opportunities for the bottom-up empowerment of citizens' organizations as a consequence of the emergence of the EU as an actor in the field. A new body of data will be generated which will allow for longitudinal (1990-2002) and comparative (F, D, I, S, CH, UK) analyses of ideological and policy positions of actors and their relationships in the unemployment issue-field. This will be backed up by interviews conducted with key actors in the organizational field (policy actors, employers associations, trade unions, parties, NGOs and social movements) both at the national and transnational levels. Innovative attempts will be made to establish networks and links between the involved actors as part of our dissemination strategy, which is key to the overall success of the project. Expected results: The success of this project is underwritten by the European dimension. It will provide the first systematic cross-national comparison of the contentious politics of unemployment based on original data. It has a high potential for being a path-breaking academic study in labour politics, social movements and Europe. The findings will feedback understanding to the actors in the field, facilitated through our dissemination strategy which aims to contribute toward a constructive social dialogue.
