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ABSTRACT :The organizational structure is very interesting to observe because of its activities in order to meet the needs of citizens for services and service. Orientation in their activities so that the organizational structure in diamika life, society acting as a consumer engaged in service activities. The effectiveness of the service that has been happening in Indonesia, both the center and the area can not be denied there are still many problems that occur, although not all regions have the effectiveness of public services are bad, are like the uncertainty of the time, cost and method of service, discrimination in services, extortion and other highly far from the ideal of public service organizations. This study titled organizational structure influence the effectiveness of service to the birth certificate at the Department of Population and Civil Registration South Minahasa district to give satisfaction to the public. Methods This study used quantitative approach this type of research. The focus of this research is how the organizational structure of the effectiveness of service to the birth certificate at the Department of Population and Civil Registration South Minahasa district to give satisfaction to the people and the area around the center. Based on the research that has been done, then the writer can draw the conclusion that the quality of public services in the Department of Population and Civil Registration South Minahasa district, especially in the birth certificate of quality can be said.Keyword: "Organizational Structure, Effectiveness of Service"

Este artículo tiene el propósito de reflexionar sobre la imagen de España en The Geographical Magazine, editada en el Reino Unido por la Royal Geographical Society. El periodo de estudio de dicha imagen comprende desde 1935 hasta 1959. De tal modo que abarca la dirección editorial de Michael Huxley, fundador de la revista, y es coincidente con dos momentos significativos para la historia contemporánea de España, como fueron la Guerra Civil (1936-1939) y el primer franquismo (1939-1959). El interés de este estudio reside en destacar tanto la concepción de la geografía que tenía Huxley, como las claves principales de la imagen de España que se ofrecía en la revista británica dirigida por él.

This article examines how Martin Luther King Jr. and the movement with which he is often synonymous are taught in UK schools, as well as the consequences of that teaching for twenty-first-century understandings of Britain's racial past and present. The UK's King-centric approach to teaching the civil rights movement has much in common with that in the US, including an inattention to its transnational coordinates. However, these shared (mis)representations have different histories, are deployed to different ends, and have different consequences. In the UK, study of the African American freedom struggle often happens in the absence of, and almost as a surrogate for, engagement with the histories of Britain's own racial minorities and imperial past. In short, emphasis on the apparent singularity of US race relations and the achievements of the mid-twentieth-century African American freedom struggle facilitates cultural amnesia regarding the historic and continuing significance of race and racism in the UK. In light of the Windrush scandal and the damning 2018 Royal Historical Society report on "Race, Ethnicity and Equality in UK History," this article argues both for better, more nuanced and more relevant teaching of King and the freedom struggle in British schools, and for much greater attention to black British history in its own right.

Immediately, after the Prophet Muhammad received the revelation he began his prophetic mission. Through a very heavy struggle, for 13 years in Mecca, he only gained followers of no more than 100 people. After migrating to Medina, he gained a lot of sympathy and followers, even able to build a free and independent Islamic community under the leadership of the Prophet. In this city of Medina, in less than two years, he has published a charter which regulates the life and relationships between such diverse communities. The charter is known as the Charter of Medina (Shohifah-Madinah). In the 10-year period the Prophet in Medina had built a (civilized) society, civil society. In this country of Medina, for Muslims, the Prophet Muhammad is everything. He is the Apostle of Allah with authority based on prophethood as well as community leader and head of state, head of government. He became the leader of God's decree. As a leader sharing decisions is taken through deliberation, and if the decision is determined based on his personal instincts he always controls by divine revelation. The Qur'an is a perfect norm of life for mankind. In there are concepts about ethics, politics, economics, and society. There are a number of verses that contain instructions and guidelines in the life of society and the state, in terms of leadership and government. ; Immediately, after the Prophet Muhammad received the revelation he began his prophetic mission. Through a very heavy struggle, for 13 years in Mecca, he only gained followers of no more than 100 people. After migrating to Medina, he gained a lot of sympathy and followers, even able to build a free and independent Islamic community under the leadership of the Prophet. In this city of Medina, in less than two years, he has published a charter which regulates the life and relationships between such diverse communities. The charter is known as the Charter of Medina (Shohifah-Madinah). In the 10-year period the Prophet in Medina had built a (civilized) society, civil society. In this country of Medina, for Muslims, the Prophet Muhammad is everything. He is the Apostle of Allah with authority based on prophethood as well as community leader and head of state, head of government. He became the leader of God's decree. As a leader sharing decisions is taken through deliberation, and if the decision is determined based on his personal instincts he always controls by divine revelation. The Qur'an is a perfect norm of life for mankind. In there are concepts about ethics, politics, economics, and society. There are a number of verses that contain instructions and guidelines in the life of society and the state, in terms of leadership and government.

O Centro de Estudios de Género e Feministas puxo en marcha Atlánticas. Revista Internacional de Estudos Feministas co apoio da Universidade da Coruña. Con esta publicación dixital queremos contribuír, xunto a revistas doutras universidades españolas, á difusión da teoría feminista e os estudos de xénero. As señas de identidade desta revista son o rigor intelectual e a pluralidade ideolóxica. Atlánticas, sen embargo, ten a vista posta no só na universidade senón tamén na sociedad civil, pois sabemos que as reflexións feministas só son posibles se existe un movemento feminista activo, crítico e plural. Consideramos que a teoría e a práctica política son inseparables. No mesmo sentido, esta revista non se dirixe só á comunidade académica e á sociedade civil española e portuguesa senón tamén a espazos universitarios e sociales de América Latina, Centroamérica e o Caribe. ; El Centro de Estudios de Género y Feministas ha puesto en marcha Atlánticas. Revista Internacional de Estudios Feministas con el apoyo de la Universidade da Coruña. Con esta publicación digital queremos contribuir, junto a revistas de otras universidades españolas, a la difusión de la teoría feminista y los estudios de género. Las señas de identidad de esta revista son el rigor intelectual y la pluralidad ideológica. Atlánticas, sin embargo, tiene la vista puesta no solo en la universidad sino también en la sociedad civil, pues sabemos que las reflexiones feministas solo son posibles si existe un movimiento feminista activo, crítico y plural. Consideramos que la teoría y la práctica política son inseparables. En el mismo sentido, esta revista no se dirige solo a la comunidad académica y a la sociedad civil española y portuguesa sino también a espacios universitarios y sociales de América Latina, Centroamérica y el Caribe. ; The Centro de Estudios de Género y Feministas (Centre for Feminist and Gender Studies) has launched Atlánticas, Revista Internacional de Estudios Feministas (International Journal for Feminist Studies), with the support of the Universidade da Coruña. With this digital publication we wish to contribute, along with journals from other Spanish universities, to the spreading of the feminist theory and of gender studies. The distinguishing marks in this journal are intellectual rigour and ideological plurality. Atlánticas, however, not only addresses the university environment but also the civil society, since we are aware that feminist thoughts can only happen if there is an active, critical and plural feminist movement. We consider that political theory and practice are inextricably bonded. Likewise, this journal is not aimed to the academic community and the civil society in Spain and Portugal but also to the university and social spaces in Latin America, Central America and the Caribbean

Esta investigación tiene como objetivo entender el grado de aplicación y efectividad que tiene la utilización de las herramientas jurídicas de "Acceso a la Información, de Participación y Justicia (Principio 10)". El estudio realiza una contextualización internacional, nacional, regional y local sobre la normatividad y políticas públicas y el estado de conflictividad socio ambiental principalmente en los procesos de licenciamiento ambiental en proyectos de infraestructura física. Se estudia y analiza específicamente el proyecto denominado "Túnel de Oriente" en Antioquia. Este proyecto se ha dilatado por más de 15 años debido a la oposición de parte de la sociedad civil al proyecto, principalmente por motivos ambientales -fundamentalmente por el impacto negativo sobre el recurso hídrico-, y también porque se considera innecesario. Por medio del análisis de los antecedentes administrativos y judiciales del estudio, creación y análisis de información geográfica, de recolección y análisis de información primaria y secundaria (prensa, entrevistas, encuestas, reuniones, talleres de reflexión, etc.) se pretende entender la dinámica y tendencias seguidas por los principales actores identificados en el proceso. Aún persiste una "resistencia" por parte de las autoridades estatales en compartir "la gobernanza" ambiental y esto provoca la resistencia civil y por tanto la utilización –a veces hasta desmedida- del P10. Paradójicamente, esto también ha contribuido a fortalecer a la sociedad civil local, a mejorar la calidad ambiental del proyecto y por tanto sus consecuencias ambientales. ; Abstract: The aim of this document is to understand to what extent the legal tools of "Access to information, participation and justice in environmental matters", so – called "Principle 10", are effective and applicable. This is carried out by means of an international, national, regional and local contextualization of regulations, public policies, and socio-environmental conflicts, especially those of the environmental licensing processes for physical infrastructure projects. The project named "Túnel de Oriente" (Eastern Tunnel) has been specifically studied and analyzed in this paper. The Easter Tunnel realization has been delayed for over 15 years due to civil society opposition as deemed unnecessary, and because of its negative impact on water resources. The dynamic and trends followed by the main actors identified in the process are intended to be understood by the study of judicial and administrative precedents, the study, creation and analysis of geographic information, and by the collection of primary and secondary data (press, interviews, surveys, meetings, reflection workshops, others). Relevant public authorities are still resisting to share environmental "governance", which leads to a civil resistance and, therefore, to a sometimes excessive use of Principle 10. Paradoxically, this has also contributed to strengthen local civil society capacity to improve the project´s environmental quality and, thus, its environmental consequences. ; Maestría

The Ayatollah Khomeini exemplified a rare case of a genuine charisma in the modern time, which was, however, contaminated by rationality, impersonality, & accommodation to the modern bureaucratic & economic order. He increasingly used the mass media, particularly TV, for communicating with the masses. His charisma was also a dramaturgical phenomenon: it was created by symbolic representations in the Shi'ite community. Enjoying a leading position among the major social forces of civil society, including the bazaar-mosque alliance, the middle classes, intellectuals, & the popular classes, Khomeini managed to unify all under the canopy of his charismatic leadership & lead them to a victorious revolution. Khomeini, beginning with the victory of the revolution, was determined to place the repressive state apparatus under the control of his own lieutenants & confidants. The new men of power who conquered the huge state apparatus in postrevolutionary Iran share similar social origin, generational experience, educational background, & lifestyle; together, they form a "social status group" in Max Weber's sense of stand, which has a potential to develop into a social class. The members of the new class are young educated people who come predominantly from the traditional & modernizing petit bourgeois families. An emerging lay professional-bureaucratic intelligentsia, they are linked to the state apparatus in various capacities, & are less interested in revolutionizing the world than in matters of everyday life. They are more concerned with the Iranian nation-state than they are with an international Islamic republic or the export of the revolution: most advocate a normalization in foreign relations & reconstruction at home. AA

he second half of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century was characterized by major challenges facing the prevailing discourses on sex education. A challenge against the prevailing political power and the conventions of the moral order was witnessed in Costa Rican society in the period 1960-2018. The participation of social actors such as the Catholic Church, civil society, public institutions and non-governmental organizations (some with contentious voices), representatives of hegemonic and counter-hegemonic discourses, led tocracks in secondary education, which made it possible to propose and develop new programs on sex education to be implemented by the Ministry of Public Education. However, the voices of these social actors are not always heard andincorporated into official discourses by those in power, since they do not meet the interests of the ruling class. ; La segunda mitad del siglo XX y principios del siglo XXI se caracterizó por grandes cuestionamientos a los discursos imperantes en torno a la educaciónsexual. Un desafío co ntra el poder político imperante y los convencionalismos del orden moral, en la sociedad costarricense en el período 1960-2018. La participación de actores sociales como la Iglesia Católica, sociedad civil, instituciones públicas y organizaciones no gubernamentales (algunas con voces contestatarias), representantes de discursos hegemónicos y contra hegemónicos, provocaron grietas en la educación media, que permitieron proponer y elaborar programas sobre educación sexual para ser ejecutados por el Ministerio de Educación Pública. No obstante, estas voces de estos actores sociales, no siempre son escuchadas e incorporadas en los discursos oficiales por quienes detentan el poder, ya que no se ajustan a los intereses de la clase dominante ; A segunda metade do século XX e o início do século XXI foi caracterizada pelos grandes desafios enfrentados pelos discursos predominantes sobre educação sexual. Um desafio contra o poder político prevalecente e as convenções da ordem moral foi testemunhado na sociedade costarriquenha no período 1960- 2018. A participação de atores sociais como a Igreja Católica, a sociedade civil, instituições públicas e organizações não-governamentais (algumas com vozes controversas), representantes dos discursos hegemônicos e contra-hegemônicos, levou a rachaduras no ensino secundário, o que possibilitou propor e desenvolver novos programas de educação sexual a serem implementados pelo Ministério da Educação Pública. Entretanto, as vozes destes atores sociais nem sempre são ouvidas e incorporadas aos discursos oficiais pelos detentores do poder, uma vez que não atendem aos interesses da classe dominante.

How to ensure wider implementation of the CRC / Olga Khazova -- The European Union and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child : towards a fully-fledged European Union child rights strategy / Aida Kisunaite and Simone Delicat -- 30 Years of the CRC in Africa / Julia Sloth-Nielsen -- Thirty years later : the CRC's influence on Israeli law taking stock and moving forward / Tamar Morag -- Forever owned : children as possessions in the CRC / James G. Dwyer -- Family obligations and socio-economic rights under the Convention on the Rights of the Child / Barbara Stark -- My voice must be heard too : why children need a voice in custody hearings / Ellen Marrus, Malikah Marrus, and Rifqa Sa'aadat -- Child friendly justice : a malleable catalyst for the promotion of child and human rights / Philip D. Jaffé -- Family group conferences in child protection : a communitarian implementation of children's participation rights / Tali Gal -- The unheard voices of young girls at risk / Shiran Reichenberg -- Childhood, speech and the right to free speech / Nicholas Hatzis -- Upholding children's civil rights as relational rights : the example of childhood circumcision / Pamela Laufer-Ukeles -- Protection of the child's right to privacy in the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the general data protection regulation and the Polish law / Agnieszka Ogrodnik-Kalita -- Children's digital rights : realizing the potential of the CRC / Katharina Kaesling -- The child's right to know their biological origin in Comparative European Law : consequences for Parentage Law / Gordana Kovaček Stanić -- Québec's (out) law concerning medically assisted procreation : a plea for access to origins / Johanne Clouet and Valérie Costanzo -- Suffering at the hands of caregivers : the mandatory duty of caregivers to report child abuse and neglect from a South African perspective / Mildred Bekink -- The journey from ignorance to acknowlegement of child sexual abuse in India / Namrata Mishra -- Dutch strategies for combating child poverty : a child rights-based approach / Merel Jonker, Jet Tigchelaar, Catrin Finkenauer, Kirsten Visser, and Gonneke Stevens.

The article is based on investigations by two branches of the United Nations Human Rights Council into the treatment of the whistleblower journalist, Julian Assange – the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention and The UN Special Rapporteur on Torture. The UN investigations analysed for this 'Acting Up' article show that Julian Assange is an inconvenient dissident, who has been subjected to persecution by liberal democracies rather than authoritarian regimes. Previous research into whistleblowing has highlighted the courage and risks taken by individual whistleblowers in speaking truth to power however, this case highlights a different facet of speaking truth to power which shows how lawyers, activists and other professionals often refuse to do this because of the professional costs of speaking up for an apparently toxic individual. This article argues that the UN investigations have built a 'counter-archive' of suppressed facts about the case, which challenges the 'collective amnesia' of the public discourse. This case demonstrates that speaking truth to power requires not only individual courage but the active support of inconvenient dissidents, who lack other civil society support.

Стаття присвячена дослідженню політичної культури студентів ДНУ ім. О. Гончара. Автор використовує основні теоретичні положення концепту політичної культури у побудові методико-методологічної моделі дослідження політичної культури студентської молоді. Враховуються особливості перехідного характеру українського суспільства. Політична культура визначається як система інтеріоризованих знань, відчуттів, оцінок індивідів до -політичного. Типологізація політичної культури здійснюється на основі використання шкал: демократія/тоталітаризм, активність/пасивність. Виокремлюються чотири типи політичної культури студентської молоді. Проведене емпіричне дослідження зафіксувало, що 87,3% студентів ДНУ відносяться до пасивно-демократичної політичної культури. Виявлено вплив наступних факторів на формування політичної культури студентів ДНУ: рівень освіти батьків, певне вірування, матеріальне положення сім'ї. Натомість з'ясовано, що політична культура студентів ДНУ не залежить від рідної мови спілкування або країни походження батьків. ; Статья посвящена исследованию политической культуры студентов ДНУ им. О. Гончара. Автор использует основные теоретические положения концепта политической культуры в построении методико-методологической модели исследования политической культуры студенческой молодежи. Учитываются особенности переходного характера украинского общества. Политическая культура определяется как система интериоризированных знаний, ощущений, оценок индивидов к -политическому. Типологизация политической культуры осуществляется на основе использования шкал: демократия / тоталитаризм, активность / пассивность. Выделяются четыре типа политической культуры студенческой молодежи. Проведенное эмпирическое исследование зафиксировало, что 87,3% студентов ДНУ относятся к пассивно-демократической политической культуре. Выявлено влияние следующих факторов на формирование политической культуры студентов ДНУ: уровень образования родителей, определенное верование, материальное положение семьи. Однако выяснено, что политическая культура студентов ДНУ не зависит от родного языка общения или страны происхождения родителей. ; The article is devoted to investigation of political culture of O. Honchar DNU's students. The author uses the basic theoretical principles of the concept of political culture in the construction of methodical and methodological model of studies of students' political culture. The author taking into account the features of the transitional nature of Ukrainian society. The political culture is defined as a system of individuals internalized knowledge, experiences and assessments to political sphere. The history of the concept of political culture starts in the 50s years of XX century, as an attempt to justify a pattern of behavior of individuals in the political sphere. Based on the transitional nature of Ukrainian society the article proposes to use a methodical and methodological achievements of the Institute of sociology of NAS of Ukraine. The author gives a typology of political culture which is based on the using of scales of democracy/totalitarianism, activity/passivity of the individuals. The four types of political culture of students are given by the author. Given model of typology of political culture allows to consider the presence of a behavioral element associated with the conscious participation of citizens in political life of society. To conduct the study, the author used the method of questionnaire to collect empirical material. The author has made changes and additions to the standardized questions that were used in the research project «European social survey» in 2012 and «Ukrainian society» in 2014. The conducted empirical survey found that 87,3% of the students of DNU have the passive democratic political culture. The study revealed the presence of high protest potential among students of DNU. According to the survey the vast majority of students of DNU did not take neither passive nor active participation in «Revolution of Dignity»; also it is tracked the absolute predominance of democratic political orientations among the DNU's students. It is revealed the influence of such factors on the formation of political culture of students as: education of parents, a certain belief, material status of the family. However, it is found out that the political culture of students of DNU is not depend on the native language of communication, or the country of origin of their parents.

This article aims at inquiring into the role communication policies play nowadays in thedemocratization of the public word, a fact which would certainly lead us to assume thatthe communication is a social right linked to the access, usage, practices, recognitions,and participation of citizens as individuals capable of formulating society projects.Communication is thus perceived as a necessarycondition for the conformation ofcomprising citizenships, as an indispensable element for the effective performance ofcivil and political rights and, hence, as a key factor to social integration. ; Este artículo intenta indagar por el papel que hoy juegan las políticas de comunicación en la democratización de la palabra pública, lo que por cierto nos lleva a asumir la comunicación como un derecho social que está ligado al acceso, los usos, las prácticas, el reconocimiento y la participación de los ciudadanos en tanto sujetos con capacidades de formular proyectos de sociedad. Se asume la comunicación como una condición necesaria para la conformación de ciudadanías incluyentes, como un elemento indispensable para el efectivo desempeño de los derechos civiles y políticos y, por lo mismo, como un factor clave de integración social.

This article analyses the impact of new institutional structures in global health governance (GHG) on the realization of social rights in poor countries. Focusing on the example of global HIV/AIDS politics. The article argues that new governance modes increase the participation of civil society groups and affected communities, but also that they are frequently instrumentalized by powerful actors to pursue their particular interests. In fact, increasing resources are mobilized for the fight against poverty-related diseases. The article concludes that, as the experience of HIV/AIDS politics, the conflicts around the TRIPS Agreement and the development of Global Public-Private Partnerships GPPPs suggest, GHG is characterized by a combination of moral values and material interests that does not guarantee a comprehensive realization of social rights, but which allows some progress in the fight against poverty-related diseases - a step toward realization of social rights.

У статті аналізуються погляди таких видатних філософів Нового часу як Г. Гроций, Т. Гоббс, Дж. Локк, Ш. Монтескьє, Ж.- Ж. Руссо, І. Кант, Г. Гегель, І. Бентам, Дж. Міль, які обґрунтовували ідею створення суспільства, заснованого на принципах свободи та рівності усіх громадян, вирішували проблему взаємовідносин між особистістю, державою та суспільством. На підставі цих теорій виникає формування принципів правової держави, що знайшли своє відображення у конституціях усіх розвинутих країнах світу, і перш за все це стосується принципу взаємної відповідальності держави та особистості. ; The article analyzes the views of prominent philosophers of modern times as Hugo Grotius, Hobbes, Locke, Montesquieu, J.-J. Rousseau, Kant, Hegel, J. Bentham, John. Miles, who substantiated the idea of creating a society based on the principles of freedom and equality of all citizens, solved the problem of the relationship between the individual, the state and society. The emergence of new theoretical concepts of the people, which is the only source of supreme power, popular sovereignty, the right of people to determine polity, was caused by the bourgeois-democratic revolutions in Europe. On the basis of these theories formed the principles of the rule of law, as reflected in the constitutions of all the developed countries of the world, and above all, it concerns the principle of mutual responsibility of the state and the individual.