Today's globalized world characterized by of permanent change here advertisement has become a powerful mass media, influencing not only economics, but also other different aspects of social life. This article attempts to trace the impact of advertising and it's power for both society and the individual and the consequences of this process on the development of the whole humanity. Increasingly formed centers of power in mass media, including advertising, and uses as a powerful ideological and political instrument of their pragmatic goals. Faced with such a one-day action here and now and behavioral paradigm, society increasingly find themselves at an impasse. This puts it increasingly urgent questions of responsibility and security, without which the decision can not be further positive development of civilization. Therefore, it is necessary to present the public to understand the social and cultural context of this phenomenon both negative as well as positive aspects and their impact on society. Various methodological and artistic insights help article analyzes the impact of advertising on the essence and power, which unfolds through advertising, as metaphors era, social be. This allows the author's opinion, the advertising and the PHENOMENON trace it sugestionuojantį lying and forming potential, which can replace the use of non-only those unwanted or other course of events, but also to develop a new paradigm for the positive development of society.
Today's globalized world characterized by of permanent change here advertisement has become a powerful mass media, influencing not only economics, but also other different aspects of social life. This article attempts to trace the impact of advertising and it's power for both society and the individual and the consequences of this process on the development of the whole humanity. Increasingly formed centers of power in mass media, including advertising, and uses as a powerful ideological and political instrument of their pragmatic goals. Faced with such a one-day action here and now and behavioral paradigm, society increasingly find themselves at an impasse. This puts it increasingly urgent questions of responsibility and security, without which the decision can not be further positive development of civilization. Therefore, it is necessary to present the public to understand the social and cultural context of this phenomenon both negative as well as positive aspects and their impact on society. Various methodological and artistic insights help article analyzes the impact of advertising on the essence and power, which unfolds through advertising, as metaphors era, social be. This allows the author's opinion, the advertising and the PHENOMENON trace it sugestionuojantį lying and forming potential, which can replace the use of non-only those unwanted or other course of events, but also to develop a new paradigm for the positive development of society.
Today's globalized world characterized by of permanent change here advertisement has become a powerful mass media, influencing not only economics, but also other different aspects of social life. This article attempts to trace the impact of advertising and it's power for both society and the individual and the consequences of this process on the development of the whole humanity. Increasingly formed centers of power in mass media, including advertising, and uses as a powerful ideological and political instrument of their pragmatic goals. Faced with such a one-day action here and now and behavioral paradigm, society increasingly find themselves at an impasse. This puts it increasingly urgent questions of responsibility and security, without which the decision can not be further positive development of civilization. Therefore, it is necessary to present the public to understand the social and cultural context of this phenomenon both negative as well as positive aspects and their impact on society. Various methodological and artistic insights help article analyzes the impact of advertising on the essence and power, which unfolds through advertising, as metaphors era, social be. This allows the author's opinion, the advertising and the PHENOMENON trace it sugestionuojantį lying and forming potential, which can replace the use of non-only those unwanted or other course of events, but also to develop a new paradigm for the positive development of society.
Today's globalized world characterized by of permanent change here advertisement has become a powerful mass media, influencing not only economics, but also other different aspects of social life. This article attempts to trace the impact of advertising and it's power for both society and the individual and the consequences of this process on the development of the whole humanity. Increasingly formed centers of power in mass media, including advertising, and uses as a powerful ideological and political instrument of their pragmatic goals. Faced with such a one-day action here and now and behavioral paradigm, society increasingly find themselves at an impasse. This puts it increasingly urgent questions of responsibility and security, without which the decision can not be further positive development of civilization. Therefore, it is necessary to present the public to understand the social and cultural context of this phenomenon both negative as well as positive aspects and their impact on society. Various methodological and artistic insights help article analyzes the impact of advertising on the essence and power, which unfolds through advertising, as metaphors era, social be. This allows the author's opinion, the advertising and the PHENOMENON trace it sugestionuojantį lying and forming potential, which can replace the use of non-only those unwanted or other course of events, but also to develop a new paradigm for the positive development of society.
The conception of positive law at one ties the right with the law, i.e. formalization of law, determination of it. Just determined law can have its shape – the law in common sense. The State to the essence of positive law, as legal category, enters as the subject of lawmaking (natural law is changed to positive) and as guarantee of necessity of legal imperatives. The competence of natural law in this range restricts to declaring of humanistic ideas (legal ideas). It shows, which values should state turn to conventional regulation of behaviour and how much it can be limited. On the other hand, it is indicated, that the purpose of contemporary democratic state is not just reassurance of above-mentioned rights, because recently inthe society other important concerns for person are emphasized. The values of law are related with public interests. Western civilization and world-view orients to separate human needs, interests, his relations with other persons and their internecine services, cultural interchange. Human's personal and political rights and freedoms, his interests are the basic object of purpose and protection of modern democratic state.
The conception of positive law at one ties the right with the law, i.e. formalization of law, determination of it. Just determined law can have its shape – the law in common sense. The State to the essence of positive law, as legal category, enters as the subject of lawmaking (natural law is changed to positive) and as guarantee of necessity of legal imperatives. The competence of natural law in this range restricts to declaring of humanistic ideas (legal ideas). It shows, which values should state turn to conventional regulation of behaviour and how much it can be limited. On the other hand, it is indicated, that the purpose of contemporary democratic state is not just reassurance of above-mentioned rights, because recently inthe society other important concerns for person are emphasized. The values of law are related with public interests. Western civilization and world-view orients to separate human needs, interests, his relations with other persons and their internecine services, cultural interchange. Human's personal and political rights and freedoms, his interests are the basic object of purpose and protection of modern democratic state.
India is a rapidly growing democratic naval power. Moreover, its features such as the strong and fast-growing economy, newest military technologies and nuclear weapon make a big impression. Considering the other major powers, it seems that the world is becoming multipolar where India could have a significant role and become one of the major poles. It has been a subject for discussions among journalists and academics for a log time. On the other hand, there are a lot of discussions about India's "friendly and mild" foreign policy; also, it is sometimes named the non-ambitious passive player in the international arena. The optimism with doubts: the paradoxical situation composed of the history of the impressive imperial civilization, modern-day economic growth, huge progress in technologies versus the major internal problems and "soft" state image. Here emerges the problem: why India's foreign policy, despite its power growth, is still passive/neutral on the international arena? The hypotheses to answering this question are: 1. India's role and status are restricted by its lack of power. 2. India's role on the international arena is restricted by its ideological and neutrality traditions, which provide ontological security to India. The aim of this article is to ascertain and explore India's status (regional or global) and to ascertain India's role (self-identification) on the international arena by using the ontological security theory. The theoretical background of this essay is ontological security theory which ten years ago was absorbed from sociology and is quite new in the international relations and security studies. Its main arguments are: ontological security is the security of being; in addition to physical security, states also seek ontological security (security of the self); ontological security is achieved by routinizing relationships with significant others, after all players become attached to those relationships, even if they are dangerous to their physical security. This theory is strongly bound with the identity that India always gives the self culture prominence in its discourse and its friendly discourse in the Ministry of Defence annual reports. This is the reason why the ontological security theory was chosen to help understand and explain India's foreign policy. First, links between ontological and traditional security are discussed in the first part of this work. There is a broad analysis of the assumptions of the ontological security theory in the same paragraph. Second, there is a short criticism of the ontological security. Finally, the ontological security theory as the India's foreign policy explanation tool is discussed; the discourse analysis is introduced as a methodological instrument of the work, and the model of analysis of the second part of the work, is defined. The second part of the work contains the content analysis of experts' articles and official documents of India's Foreign Ministry, using the model defined in the previous part and ontological security for the results' explanation The analysis made in the second part of the work has shown that the ontological security theory is able to explain India's foreign policy and does it. The first hypothesis (India's role and status are restricted by its lack of power) was denied. This means that India can be a major global power. The second hypothesis (India's role in the international arena is restricted by its ideological and neutrality traditions, which provide ontological security to India) was approved. Strictly, it means that India does not want to be a major power because of it self-identity and ontological security. India does not expose itself as a major power but thinks that is worth to be such. On the other hand, if India has absorbed the international politics routine form the British Empire, this could mean that India's identity is to be a global power, but it does not want to publicise it yet. The study has shown that it is hard to regard India in the international community as a major power without special observation or using just the realism theory tools. Consequently, the ontological security theory has shown that it has the tools that can be used in countries' foreign policy explanation.
India is a rapidly growing democratic naval power. Moreover, its features such as the strong and fast-growing economy, newest military technologies and nuclear weapon make a big impression. Considering the other major powers, it seems that the world is becoming multipolar where India could have a significant role and become one of the major poles. It has been a subject for discussions among journalists and academics for a log time. On the other hand, there are a lot of discussions about India's "friendly and mild" foreign policy; also, it is sometimes named the non-ambitious passive player in the international arena. The optimism with doubts: the paradoxical situation composed of the history of the impressive imperial civilization, modern-day economic growth, huge progress in technologies versus the major internal problems and "soft" state image. Here emerges the problem: why India's foreign policy, despite its power growth, is still passive/neutral on the international arena? The hypotheses to answering this question are: 1. India's role and status are restricted by its lack of power. 2. India's role on the international arena is restricted by its ideological and neutrality traditions, which provide ontological security to India. The aim of this article is to ascertain and explore India's status (regional or global) and to ascertain India's role (self-identification) on the international arena by using the ontological security theory. The theoretical background of this essay is ontological security theory which ten years ago was absorbed from sociology and is quite new in the international relations and security studies. Its main arguments are: ontological security is the security of being; in addition to physical security, states also seek ontological security (security of the self); ontological security is achieved by routinizing relationships with significant others, after all players become attached to those relationships, even if they are dangerous to their physical security. This theory is strongly bound with the identity that India always gives the self culture prominence in its discourse and its friendly discourse in the Ministry of Defence annual reports. This is the reason why the ontological security theory was chosen to help understand and explain India's foreign policy. First, links between ontological and traditional security are discussed in the first part of this work. There is a broad analysis of the assumptions of the ontological security theory in the same paragraph. Second, there is a short criticism of the ontological security. Finally, the ontological security theory as the India's foreign policy explanation tool is discussed; the discourse analysis is introduced as a methodological instrument of the work, and the model of analysis of the second part of the work, is defined. The second part of the work contains the content analysis of experts' articles and official documents of India's Foreign Ministry, using the model defined in the previous part and ontological security for the results' explanation The analysis made in the second part of the work has shown that the ontological security theory is able to explain India's foreign policy and does it. The first hypothesis (India's role and status are restricted by its lack of power) was denied. This means that India can be a major global power. The second hypothesis (India's role in the international arena is restricted by its ideological and neutrality traditions, which provide ontological security to India) was approved. Strictly, it means that India does not want to be a major power because of it self-identity and ontological security. India does not expose itself as a major power but thinks that is worth to be such. On the other hand, if India has absorbed the international politics routine form the British Empire, this could mean that India's identity is to be a global power, but it does not want to publicise it yet. The study has shown that it is hard to regard India in the international community as a major power without special observation or using just the realism theory tools. Consequently, the ontological security theory has shown that it has the tools that can be used in countries' foreign policy explanation.
India is a rapidly growing democratic naval power. Moreover, its features such as the strong and fast-growing economy, newest military technologies and nuclear weapon make a big impression. Considering the other major powers, it seems that the world is becoming multipolar where India could have a significant role and become one of the major poles. It has been a subject for discussions among journalists and academics for a log time. On the other hand, there are a lot of discussions about India's "friendly and mild" foreign policy; also, it is sometimes named the non-ambitious passive player in the international arena. The optimism with doubts: the paradoxical situation composed of the history of the impressive imperial civilization, modern-day economic growth, huge progress in technologies versus the major internal problems and "soft" state image. Here emerges the problem: why India's foreign policy, despite its power growth, is still passive/neutral on the international arena? The hypotheses to answering this question are: 1. India's role and status are restricted by its lack of power. 2. India's role on the international arena is restricted by its ideological and neutrality traditions, which provide ontological security to India. The aim of this article is to ascertain and explore India's status (regional or global) and to ascertain India's role (self-identification) on the international arena by using the ontological security theory. The theoretical background of this essay is ontological security theory which ten years ago was absorbed from sociology and is quite new in the international relations and security studies. Its main arguments are: ontological security is the security of being; in addition to physical security, states also seek ontological security (security of the self); ontological security is achieved by routinizing relationships with significant others, after all players become attached to those relationships, even if they are dangerous to their physical security. This theory is strongly bound with the identity that India always gives the self culture prominence in its discourse and its friendly discourse in the Ministry of Defence annual reports. This is the reason why the ontological security theory was chosen to help understand and explain India's foreign policy. First, links between ontological and traditional security are discussed in the first part of this work. There is a broad analysis of the assumptions of the ontological security theory in the same paragraph. Second, there is a short criticism of the ontological security. Finally, the ontological security theory as the India's foreign policy explanation tool is discussed; the discourse analysis is introduced as a methodological instrument of the work, and the model of analysis of the second part of the work, is defined. The second part of the work contains the content analysis of experts' articles and official documents of India's Foreign Ministry, using the model defined in the previous part and ontological security for the results' explanation The analysis made in the second part of the work has shown that the ontological security theory is able to explain India's foreign policy and does it. The first hypothesis (India's role and status are restricted by its lack of power) was denied. This means that India can be a major global power. The second hypothesis (India's role in the international arena is restricted by its ideological and neutrality traditions, which provide ontological security to India) was approved. Strictly, it means that India does not want to be a major power because of it self-identity and ontological security. India does not expose itself as a major power but thinks that is worth to be such. On the other hand, if India has absorbed the international politics routine form the British Empire, this could mean that India's identity is to be a global power, but it does not want to publicise it yet. The study has shown that it is hard to regard India in the international community as a major power without special observation or using just the realism theory tools. Consequently, the ontological security theory has shown that it has the tools that can be used in countries' foreign policy explanation.
India is a rapidly growing democratic naval power. Moreover, its features such as the strong and fast-growing economy, newest military technologies and nuclear weapon make a big impression. Considering the other major powers, it seems that the world is becoming multipolar where India could have a significant role and become one of the major poles. It has been a subject for discussions among journalists and academics for a log time. On the other hand, there are a lot of discussions about India's "friendly and mild" foreign policy; also, it is sometimes named the non-ambitious passive player in the international arena. The optimism with doubts: the paradoxical situation composed of the history of the impressive imperial civilization, modern-day economic growth, huge progress in technologies versus the major internal problems and "soft" state image. Here emerges the problem: why India's foreign policy, despite its power growth, is still passive/neutral on the international arena? The hypotheses to answering this question are: 1. India's role and status are restricted by its lack of power. 2. India's role on the international arena is restricted by its ideological and neutrality traditions, which provide ontological security to India. The aim of this article is to ascertain and explore India's status (regional or global) and to ascertain India's role (self-identification) on the international arena by using the ontological security theory. The theoretical background of this essay is ontological security theory which ten years ago was absorbed from sociology and is quite new in the international relations and security studies. Its main arguments are: ontological security is the security of being; in addition to physical security, states also seek ontological security (security of the self); ontological security is achieved by routinizing relationships with significant others, after all players become attached to those relationships, even if they are dangerous to their physical security. This theory is strongly bound with the identity that India always gives the self culture prominence in its discourse and its friendly discourse in the Ministry of Defence annual reports. This is the reason why the ontological security theory was chosen to help understand and explain India's foreign policy. First, links between ontological and traditional security are discussed in the first part of this work. There is a broad analysis of the assumptions of the ontological security theory in the same paragraph. Second, there is a short criticism of the ontological security. Finally, the ontological security theory as the India's foreign policy explanation tool is discussed; the discourse analysis is introduced as a methodological instrument of the work, and the model of analysis of the second part of the work, is defined. The second part of the work contains the content analysis of experts' articles and official documents of India's Foreign Ministry, using the model defined in the previous part and ontological security for the results' explanation The analysis made in the second part of the work has shown that the ontological security theory is able to explain India's foreign policy and does it. The first hypothesis (India's role and status are restricted by its lack of power) was denied. This means that India can be a major global power. The second hypothesis (India's role in the international arena is restricted by its ideological and neutrality traditions, which provide ontological security to India) was approved. Strictly, it means that India does not want to be a major power because of it self-identity and ontological security. India does not expose itself as a major power but thinks that is worth to be such. On the other hand, if India has absorbed the international politics routine form the British Empire, this could mean that India's identity is to be a global power, but it does not want to publicise it yet. The study has shown that it is hard to regard India in the international community as a major power without special observation or using just the realism theory tools. Consequently, the ontological security theory has shown that it has the tools that can be used in countries' foreign policy explanation.
This paper analyses the reception of Latin language and culture in the research of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. It focuses on the works of various disciplines – social and cultural history, literary research, art criticism, etc. – and seeks to identify the recurring themes, symbols and topics that comprise homogenous narratives and interpretations. They consolidate the findings of different fields of study and thus allow to analyse the Latinitas of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania as an integral part of the political community's identity. The symbols of Latin language and culture can be identified as a basis for a Shift from oral to written culture. It conveys the ideas of order and organisation, as it transforms customary law into a codified one, a natural religion into that based on Scripture, etc. It alters the society as well, mainly because writing and written culture marks a shift in identity and behaviour. Also, by focusing on social and educational aspects, the Shift marks an institutional change, which permeates the developments of the state and society as a whole. The multipolar cultural field of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania is described by four cultural models – Polish, Lithuanian, Ruthenian, and Latin. The metaphor of Interaction shows how Latin culture and language is seen as one of the four ideological alternatives that legitimize the state, dynasty and sovereignty. Thirdly, the metaphor of Tension depicts Latinitas as part of the dichotomy between Eastern and Western civilizations by expressing the symbolical content of the latter. This narrative also emphasizes the internal confessional disputes inside the Western Church, and by exploiting the specific understanding of the Renaissance humanism, it becomes a means to understand sociocultural conflicts of the Early Modern state. The interpretation of Latinitas as a communication channel is nested under the metaphor of Medium. Works in this category usually portray Latin language as an expression of a social, economic, political, etc. status quo, which differs in each European state. Latin culture thus helps to articulate national interests and identity, and enables the cultural exchange among the Western countries as well. Finally, by emphasizing the poor literacy of the society and only limited possibilities to learn Latin and acknowledge its cultural code, researchers portray Latinitas as a Secret. The speakers and writers of Latin form a hermetic group, possessing the knowledge of a cultural matrix inaccessible to others. The dignity of Latin language also strengthens the status of vernacular languages, and thus accumulates the process of identity formation. These five narratives exemplify how Latinitas is embedded within the economic, political, and cultural activities of the society. It also depicts the different ways by which it becomes an integrating principle of the identity of the intellectual and political classes in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. It provides an account of Roman descent, sustains the claim for political sovereignty, and indicates the civilizing process. By adopting those five different narratives, researchers may further analyse Latinitas not only as a separate cultural layer, but as a part of social identity as well.
This paper analyses the reception of Latin language and culture in the research of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. It focuses on the works of various disciplines – social and cultural history, literary research, art criticism, etc. – and seeks to identify the recurring themes, symbols and topics that comprise homogenous narratives and interpretations. They consolidate the findings of different fields of study and thus allow to analyse the Latinitas of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania as an integral part of the political community's identity. The symbols of Latin language and culture can be identified as a basis for a Shift from oral to written culture. It conveys the ideas of order and organisation, as it transforms customary law into a codified one, a natural religion into that based on Scripture, etc. It alters the society as well, mainly because writing and written culture marks a shift in identity and behaviour. Also, by focusing on social and educational aspects, the Shift marks an institutional change, which permeates the developments of the state and society as a whole. The multipolar cultural field of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania is described by four cultural models – Polish, Lithuanian, Ruthenian, and Latin. The metaphor of Interaction shows how Latin culture and language is seen as one of the four ideological alternatives that legitimize the state, dynasty and sovereignty. Thirdly, the metaphor of Tension depicts Latinitas as part of the dichotomy between Eastern and Western civilizations by expressing the symbolical content of the latter. This narrative also emphasizes the internal confessional disputes inside the Western Church, and by exploiting the specific understanding of the Renaissance humanism, it becomes a means to understand sociocultural conflicts of the Early Modern state. The interpretation of Latinitas as a communication channel is nested under the metaphor of Medium. Works in this category usually portray Latin language as an expression of a social, economic, political, etc. status quo, which differs in each European state. Latin culture thus helps to articulate national interests and identity, and enables the cultural exchange among the Western countries as well. Finally, by emphasizing the poor literacy of the society and only limited possibilities to learn Latin and acknowledge its cultural code, researchers portray Latinitas as a Secret. The speakers and writers of Latin form a hermetic group, possessing the knowledge of a cultural matrix inaccessible to others. The dignity of Latin language also strengthens the status of vernacular languages, and thus accumulates the process of identity formation. These five narratives exemplify how Latinitas is embedded within the economic, political, and cultural activities of the society. It also depicts the different ways by which it becomes an integrating principle of the identity of the intellectual and political classes in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. It provides an account of Roman descent, sustains the claim for political sovereignty, and indicates the civilizing process. By adopting those five different narratives, researchers may further analyse Latinitas not only as a separate cultural layer, but as a part of social identity as well.
This paper analyses the reception of Latin language and culture in the research of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. It focuses on the works of various disciplines – social and cultural history, literary research, art criticism, etc. – and seeks to identify the recurring themes, symbols and topics that comprise homogenous narratives and interpretations. They consolidate the findings of different fields of study and thus allow to analyse the Latinitas of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania as an integral part of the political community's identity. The symbols of Latin language and culture can be identified as a basis for a Shift from oral to written culture. It conveys the ideas of order and organisation, as it transforms customary law into a codified one, a natural religion into that based on Scripture, etc. It alters the society as well, mainly because writing and written culture marks a shift in identity and behaviour. Also, by focusing on social and educational aspects, the Shift marks an institutional change, which permeates the developments of the state and society as a whole. The multipolar cultural field of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania is described by four cultural models – Polish, Lithuanian, Ruthenian, and Latin. The metaphor of Interaction shows how Latin culture and language is seen as one of the four ideological alternatives that legitimize the state, dynasty and sovereignty. Thirdly, the metaphor of Tension depicts Latinitas as part of the dichotomy between Eastern and Western civilizations by expressing the symbolical content of the latter. This narrative also emphasizes the internal confessional disputes inside the Western Church, and by exploiting the specific understanding of the Renaissance humanism, it becomes a means to understand sociocultural conflicts of the Early Modern state. The interpretation of Latinitas as a communication channel is nested under the metaphor of Medium. Works in this category usually portray Latin language as an expression of a social, economic, political, etc. status quo, which differs in each European state. Latin culture thus helps to articulate national interests and identity, and enables the cultural exchange among the Western countries as well. Finally, by emphasizing the poor literacy of the society and only limited possibilities to learn Latin and acknowledge its cultural code, researchers portray Latinitas as a Secret. The speakers and writers of Latin form a hermetic group, possessing the knowledge of a cultural matrix inaccessible to others. The dignity of Latin language also strengthens the status of vernacular languages, and thus accumulates the process of identity formation. These five narratives exemplify how Latinitas is embedded within the economic, political, and cultural activities of the society. It also depicts the different ways by which it becomes an integrating principle of the identity of the intellectual and political classes in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. It provides an account of Roman descent, sustains the claim for political sovereignty, and indicates the civilizing process. By adopting those five different narratives, researchers may further analyse Latinitas not only as a separate cultural layer, but as a part of social identity as well.
This paper analyses the reception of Latin language and culture in the research of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. It focuses on the works of various disciplines – social and cultural history, literary research, art criticism, etc. – and seeks to identify the recurring themes, symbols and topics that comprise homogenous narratives and interpretations. They consolidate the findings of different fields of study and thus allow to analyse the Latinitas of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania as an integral part of the political community's identity. The symbols of Latin language and culture can be identified as a basis for a Shift from oral to written culture. It conveys the ideas of order and organisation, as it transforms customary law into a codified one, a natural religion into that based on Scripture, etc. It alters the society as well, mainly because writing and written culture marks a shift in identity and behaviour. Also, by focusing on social and educational aspects, the Shift marks an institutional change, which permeates the developments of the state and society as a whole. The multipolar cultural field of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania is described by four cultural models – Polish, Lithuanian, Ruthenian, and Latin. The metaphor of Interaction shows how Latin culture and language is seen as one of the four ideological alternatives that legitimize the state, dynasty and sovereignty. Thirdly, the metaphor of Tension depicts Latinitas as part of the dichotomy between Eastern and Western civilizations by expressing the symbolical content of the latter. This narrative also emphasizes the internal confessional disputes inside the Western Church, and by exploiting the specific understanding of the Renaissance humanism, it becomes a means to understand sociocultural conflicts of the Early Modern state. The interpretation of Latinitas as a communication channel is nested under the metaphor of Medium. Works in this category usually portray Latin language as an expression of a social, economic, political, etc. status quo, which differs in each European state. Latin culture thus helps to articulate national interests and identity, and enables the cultural exchange among the Western countries as well. Finally, by emphasizing the poor literacy of the society and only limited possibilities to learn Latin and acknowledge its cultural code, researchers portray Latinitas as a Secret. The speakers and writers of Latin form a hermetic group, possessing the knowledge of a cultural matrix inaccessible to others. The dignity of Latin language also strengthens the status of vernacular languages, and thus accumulates the process of identity formation. These five narratives exemplify how Latinitas is embedded within the economic, political, and cultural activities of the society. It also depicts the different ways by which it becomes an integrating principle of the identity of the intellectual and political classes in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. It provides an account of Roman descent, sustains the claim for political sovereignty, and indicates the civilizing process. By adopting those five different narratives, researchers may further analyse Latinitas not only as a separate cultural layer, but as a part of social identity as well.
