Climate Change and Climate Responsibility. Our Responsibility
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 10, S. 53-55
ISSN: 2387-4562
(no abstract)
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In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 10, S. 53-55
ISSN: 2387-4562
(no abstract)
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 10, S. 138-141
ISSN: 2387-4562
The Research Handbook on Climate Change Adaptation Policy... is a collection of contributions on the theme of climate change adaption policies... [T]he contributors offer a unique bird's eye view from the perspective of 14 countries: Australia, Austria, Canada, Finland, France, Germany, Kenya, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Singapore, Sweden, the U.K. and the U.S.A....
In: CICERO working paper 2004,10
In: CICERO report 2001,4
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 13
ISSN: 2387-4562
The global human influence on the climate is growing at an alarming pace. This trend appears doomed to continue. Polar regions are feeling the effects first. This means that if the impacts of climate change serve to motivate effective policies, polar regions could be a good place to look for climate policy innovation. It is within this context that this article considers Arctic climate policy in Russia and Canada. The basic question posed is whether the unique and immediate threat climate change presents in the Arctic is reflected in progressive laws and policies with respect to four key areas: mitigation, adaptation, impacts and vulnerability, and development.
In: Norsk sosiologisk tidsskrift, Band 2, Heft 6, S. 500-501
ISSN: 2535-2512
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 11, S. 1-18
ISSN: 2387-4562
The following article revisits existing scholarship on human-centric approaches to security in cyberspace and argues that a holistic understanding of cyber security in the Arctic must include discussion of the use of cyber technology in the everyday lives of individuals and communities, addressing both the ways such tools enable and undermine human security. Simultaneously, the article contextualises the Arctic as a region undergoing rapid change as a result of climate change and increased digitalisation and seeks to understand the consequent implications for human security. In light of these considerations, the article analyses the existing constraints and possibilities that cyber security and digitalisation pose for human security and revisits them from a humancentric perspective of cyber security. It also seeks to contextualise such security influences in relation to the role of climate change and its influence on the region. Finally, several examples are discussed to underline the interdependent implications of digitalisation and climate change from a human-centric perspective of cyber security in the Arctic.
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 9, S. 359-376
ISSN: 2387-4562
The impacts of climate change on marine resources are well known and demand mitigation and adaptation measures in order to protect the ecosystems. This entails more than simply altering management practices; it requires altering goal setting and managing transitions to new ecosystemic conditions. In the European Union, the main legal tool for protection of the marine environment is the Marine Strategy Framework Directive. Greece, as a member state of the European Union, has transposed the Marine Strategy Framework Directive into its national legal order and has developed legal structures to protect its marine resources from various threats, including climate change.
The present paper aims to present the legal and policy management tools in Greece, relevant to implementation of the Marine Strategy Framework Directive and climate change adaptation. For methodological reasons, the paper is divided into two parts: The first part deals with those legal tools that apply to an initial assessment of the environmental quality of Greek marine waters, while the second part analyzes legislative activities pertinent to the design and implementation of programs and measures. The aim of the national legislation is to maintain the ecosystemic integrity of the marine waters of Greece and to preserve the unique characteristics of the aquatic environment with respect to present and future generations. However, the analysis shows that a holistic legal framework demands explicit provisions for climate change impacts, while the existing framework focuses primarily on anthropogenic pressures on the marine environment.
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 9, S. 335-358
ISSN: 2387-4562
Climate change has become one of the most pressing problems for both nature and human lives. Marine Protected Areas (MPAs) are part of a "natural solution" to climate change. Most of existing MPAs are governed by government agencies rather than private stakeholders such as NGOs, local communities and for-profit enterprises. Nevertheless, with the global push to create MPAs, the number of privately governed MPAs is expected to increase. In this context, this paper aims to investigate the role of private stakeholders in enhancing the governance effectiveness of MPAs so as to improve their capability to counter any adverse impact brought by the changing climate. After analysis, the strengths and weaknesses of the practice of each category of private stakeholders are uncovered and specific recommendations are proposed to promote the future practice. With the increasing number of privately governed MPAs in the future, this paper serves as a starting point and contributes to the literature on the study of the private governance of MPAs in the context of the changing climate.
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 9, S. 332-334
ISSN: 2387-4562
In: Nordisk kulturpolitisk tidskrift: The Nordic journal of cultural policy, Band 15, Heft 1, S. 46-76
ISSN: 2000-8325
In: Norsk statsvitenskapelig tidsskrift, Band 31, Heft 3, S. 256-259
ISSN: 1504-2936
In: Nordisk kulturpolitisk tidskrift: The Nordic journal of cultural policy, Band 25, Heft 2, S. 1-16
ISSN: 2000-8325
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 68, Heft 4, S. 617-627
ISSN: 0020-577X
Criticizes the Nobel Peace Prize committee for awarding the price for environmental action to Wangari Maathai in 2004, and to IPCC and Al Gore in 2007 by raising concerns that this will hurt the credibility of the prize. While Wangari Maathai's laureateship can be justified with politological theory, the same cannot be said of IPCC and Al Gore - the evidence between climate change and increased conflict is very weak, especially with the decline of Malthusianism. Even if the peace prize committee's boldness can be hailed, a better solution would be to establish a separate environmental Nobel prize or alternatively leave the field for the existing distinguished environmental awards. L. Pitkaniemi