This article is an attempt to analyse the collaboration between the Labour and the Scottish nationalists in the context of the formation of the modern British political agenda. The participants of the British political space, being concerned about the questions of the United Kingdom leaving the European Union, inevitably face a number of challenges, and the problem of their internal interaction remains one of the most significant. Opposition parties are at an impasse: the Brexit negotiations seem as good as paralysed. The Prime Minister is being put in a very difficult position: a motion of no confidence in December, the failure of her proposals for the Brexit deal in January. The ruling conservative party itself is deeply divided. Every now and then there is some calls for a second the United Kingdom European Union membership referendum. And in that event, to which extent is the opposition coalition possible – the Labor Party and the Scottish nationalists? And if so, what are its future prospects?
The article is centered on the unusual situation that took shape in 1795, during the French Revolution of the XVIII century. The revolutionary wars that began in 1792 completely changed the diplomatic landscape that developed after the «reversal of alliances». On the one hand, despite its «illegitimate» republican government and due to its military victories France has been increasingly becoming a power that was not only possible but rather necessary to negotiate, and even to make alliances with. On the other hand, Louis XVIII, who declared himself the King of France after the death of his nephew, represented the pre-revolutionary France and looked for support from the countries of the First Anti-French Coalition and, among them, the old allies of France. However, the states that were actually ready to support his cause happened to be England, the old enemy of France, and Russia, that had never had a particularly warm relationship with France and which was on the side of its enemies by the end of the Seven Years' War. At the same time, despite the complex of new political, military and economic factors generated by the French Revolution, and the declaration of a complete and final break with the Ancien Régime, when it came to foreign affairs the revolutionary France continued to implement the policy established by Louis XIV. ; Статья посвящена необычной ситуации, сложившейся в ходе Французской революции XVIII века к 1795 году. Идущие с 1792 года революционные войны полностью изменили дипломатический пейзаж, возникший после «переворота союзов». С одной стороны, Франция с «нелигитимной» республиканской властью, благодаря военным победам, всё чаще стала рассматриваться как держава, с которой можно и нужно вести переговоры, а возможно и заключать союзы. С другой стороны, Людовик XVIII, объявивший себя королём после смерти племянника, представлял дореволюционную Францию и стремился найти поддержку у стран Первой антифранцузской коалиции и, не в последнюю очередь, у старых союзников Франции. Однако державами, в наибольшей степени готовыми оказать ему поддержку, оказались Англия, старый противник Франции, и Россия, с которой у Франции никогда не было особенно тёплых отношений и которая закончила Семилетнюю войну на стороне её врагов. При этом комплекс новых политических, военных и экономических факторов, порождённых Французской революцией, не помешал революционной Франции, декларирующей полный и окончательный разрыв со Старым порядком, по сути проводить в жизнь прежнюю внешнеполитическую программу, начало которой было положено ещё Людовиком XIV.
The article discusses the Sino-Australian relations during the Liberal Coalition government in 2013-2017. The author reviews the conceptual frameworks of Australia's foreign policy and gives a retrospective of the main in Sino-Australian relations. The purpose of the study is to analyze the main problems affecting the development of political ties and assess their impact on Sino-Australian economic cooperation. The main research method is the narrative method allowing to collect facts from various sources and assemble them into a sequence of relevant events. The author comes to the conclusion that China is an important trading partner of Australia. Its economic and military power has a great influence on the formation of Australian foreign policy in the region. The liberal government represented by Tony Abbott in 2013-2015 and Malcolm Turnbull in 2015-2017 takes Australia - US alliance and strengthening the defense ties with Japan as a basis of its foreign policy. It later became the cause of the deterioration of Sino-Australian relations. Nevertheless, the cooling of political relations did not affect the trade and economic cooperation. China and Australia have signed the Free Trade Agreement and increased trade turnover. ; Статья посвящена исследованию взаимоотношений между Китаем и Австралией в период пребывания у власти Либеральной коалиции в 2013-2017 гг. Автором сделан обзор концептуальных основ внешней политики Австралии, а также основных событий, повлиявших на отношения Китая и Австралии в рассматриваемый период. Цель настоящего исследования - проследить эволюцию китайско-австралийских отношений после победы на выборах Либеральной коалиции. Задачи исследования - определить место Китая в австралийской внешней политике, выявить основные причины ухудшения отношений, а также оценить степень их влияния на экономическое сотрудничество. Основным методом исследования является нарративный метод, который позволил собрать факты из различных источников и выстроить их в последовательную цепь событий. В заключение автор приходит к выводу о том, что Китай является важным торговым партнером Австралии, что наряду с его экономической и военной мощью оказывает большое влияние на формирование австралийской внешней политики в регионе. Либеральное правительство, представленное Тони Эбботтом с 2013 г. и Малкольмом Тернбуллом с 2015 г. сделали союз с США и Японией основой их внешней политики, что в последствии повлияло на ухудшение китайско-австралийских отношений.
Despite the shutdown of the Chernobyl nuclear power plant (1986) it still influences the social and political reality. Chernobyl appears in this research as the result of work of interpretation of the aftermaths of Chernobyl disaster by different actors: state bodies, political parties, NGO and scientific institutions. This research touches upon different discourses, story-lines through witch the consequences of the accident on Chernobyl plant are managed in Belarus from 1986 to 2008. Applying such sociological concepts as risk (Beck 2000; Borraz 2008), construction of scientific facts (Callon 1979; Latour 1989, 2004), biopower (Foucault 1996) and the methodology of the discourse-coalitions (Hajer 1995) in this dissertation the constructivist analysis of the politics of Chernobyl is represented. The main hypothesis of this research is to identify the discourse-coalitions within the Chernobyl policy, the actors and story-lines they utter. This research analyses also how the risks created by Chernobyl accident are treated and how biopolitics rhetoric is articulated in the discourse-coalitions and reveals their role in the nuclear policy.
Despite the shutdown of the Chernobyl nuclear power plant (1986) it still influences the social and political reality. Chernobyl appears in this research as the result of work of interpretation of the aftermaths of Chernobyl disaster by different actors: state bodies, political parties, NGO and scientific institutions. This research touches upon different discourses, story-lines through witch the consequences of the accident on Chernobyl plant are managed in Belarus from 1986 to 2008. Applying such sociological concepts as risk (Beck 2000; Borraz 2008), construction of scientific facts (Callon 1979; Latour 1989, 2004), biopower (Foucault 1996) and the methodology of the discourse-coalitions (Hajer 1995) in this dissertation the constructivist analysis of the politics of Chernobyl is represented. The main hypothesis of this research is to identify the discourse-coalitions within the Chernobyl policy, the actors and story-lines they utter. This research analyses also how the risks created by Chernobyl accident are treated and how biopolitics rhetoric is articulated in the discourse-coalitions and reveals their role in the nuclear policy.
Despite the shutdown of the Chernobyl nuclear power plant (1986) it still influences the social and political reality. Chernobyl appears in this research as the result of work of interpretation of the aftermaths of Chernobyl disaster by different actors: state bodies, political parties, NGO and scientific institutions. This research touches upon different discourses, story-lines through witch the consequences of the accident on Chernobyl plant are managed in Belarus from 1986 to 2008. Applying such sociological concepts as risk (Beck 2000; Borraz 2008), construction of scientific facts (Callon 1979; Latour 1989, 2004), biopower (Foucault 1996) and the methodology of the discourse-coalitions (Hajer 1995) in this dissertation the constructivist analysis of the politics of Chernobyl is represented. The main hypothesis of this research is to identify the discourse-coalitions within the Chernobyl policy, the actors and story-lines they utter. This research analyses also how the risks created by Chernobyl accident are treated and how biopolitics rhetoric is articulated in the discourse-coalitions and reveals their role in the nuclear policy.
Despite the shutdown of the Chernobyl nuclear power plant (1986) it still influences the social and political reality. Chernobyl appears in this research as the result of work of interpretation of the aftermaths of Chernobyl disaster by different actors: state bodies, political parties, NGO and scientific institutions. This research touches upon different discourses, story-lines through witch the consequences of the accident on Chernobyl plant are managed in Belarus from 1986 to 2008. Applying such sociological concepts as risk (Beck 2000; Borraz 2008), construction of scientific facts (Callon 1979; Latour 1989, 2004), biopower (Foucault 1996) and the methodology of the discourse-coalitions (Hajer 1995) in this dissertation the constructivist analysis of the politics of Chernobyl is represented. The main hypothesis of this research is to identify the discourse-coalitions within the Chernobyl policy, the actors and story-lines they utter. This research analyses also how the risks created by Chernobyl accident are treated and how biopolitics rhetoric is articulated in the discourse-coalitions and reveals their role in the nuclear policy.
The article considers the methodological aspect of assessing the military-economic efficiency of the logistics potential of a coalition group of troops on the territory of a CSTO member state. A system for assessing the quality of management of logistics support processes for the coalition group of troops (forces) has been developed. This assessment system corresponds to the methodological principles underlying its development (consistency, validity, objectivity, information content). At the conclusion of the authors of the article suggested methodological aspect is application of special methods of expert assessment to the construction of matrix profile highlight the level of the management hierarchy, functional areas and indicators of the level of quality control and to determine the level of quality of management of existing resources departments of logistics for coalition groups in the direction of timely and full provision of contingent troops in the territory of a state party to the CSTO. ; В статье рассмотрен методологический аспект оценки военно-экономической эффективности логистического потенциала коалиционной группировки войск на территории государства-участника ОДКБ. Разработана система оценки уровня качества управления процессами логистического обеспечения коалиционной группировки войск (сил). Данная система оценки соответствует методическим основам, положенным в основу ее разработки (системность, обоснованность, объективность, информативность), структура и характер связей системы обусловлены использованием широкого круга общенаучных методов, в состав которых вошли анализ, синтез, индукция, дедукция, моделирование, а также системный подход. Ее практическое использование требует применения специальных методов, в частности экспертной оценки, графического метода (в частности, построения профилей оценки в разрезе отдельных групп и элементов системы оценки), социологического метода и др. Разработанная система оценки имеет вид матрицы, где в столбцах размещены уровни иерархии управления, а в строках его функциональные сферы. Каждый из отдельных показателей оценки уровня качества управления состоит из индекса уровня иерархии управления , индекса функциональной зоны и его порядкового номера в данной группе показателей. Предложенный методологический аспект отличается применением специальных методов экспертной оценки для построения матричного профиля выделения уровня иерархии управления, функциональных сфер и показателей оценки уровня качества управления и позволяет определить уровень качества управления существующими ресурсами сети подразделений логистического обеспечения коалиционной группировки в направлении своевременного и полного обеспечения контингента военнослужащих на территории государства-участника ОДКБ.
The author carries out a comparative analysis of the actors' adaptation in the process of coalition formation within political systems of Denmark and Sweden in terms of external and internal factors. Particular attention is paid to the process of holding referenda on the EU issues in the both countries. According to the analysis, the author identifies common and different features of the countries' political systems as well as the logic in the functioning of coalitions. ; Автор проводит сравнительный анализ процесса адаптации акторов в коалиционных образованиях политических систем Дании и Швеции с точки зрения внешних и внутренних факторов. Особое внимание уделяется процессу проведения референдумов по вопросам ЕС в двух странах. По результатам анализа автор выделяет общие и различные черты систем двух стран, а также логику функционирования коалиций в обеих странах.
The topic of the article are the ideas of Alfred Count Waldersee (1832-1904) about the European coalitions in the late XIXth century. At this time Waldersee was among main actors in military-political elite of the German Empire. His convictions formed to a certain degree the worldview of the next generation of German generals who took fateful decisions on the eve of the First World War. At the same time, the ideas of Waldersee became a kind of self-fulfilling prophecies, influencing German foreign policy and on this way the formation of military alliances in Europe. During 1880-90s Waldersee went from the notion of imminence of a Franco-Russian alliance and necessity of a German alliance with Austria-Hungary and other powers to a deeply pessimistic evaluation of isolated German position in European system. ; Статья посвящена рассмотрению взглядов Альфреда графа Вальдерзее (1832-1904) на систему союзов в Европе. Вальдерзее в конце XIX в. являлся одним из ключевых игроков в военно-политической элите Германской империи. Его взгляды, с одной стороны, формировали мировоззрение следующего поколения германского генералитета, принимавшего роковые решения в канун Первой мировой войны. С другой стороны, они становились «самосбывающимися пророчествами», оказывая влияние на германскую политику и, таким образом, на формирование системы союзов. В статье продемонстрировано, как Вальдерзее от представлений о неизбежности франко-русского союза и необходимости сотрудничества с Австро-Венгрией и другими державами пришел к началу ХХ в. к глубоко пессимистической оценке международного положения Германии как полной изоляции.
The paper deals with the alienation of the former wartime allies from each other in the early post-war period with the example of the first (and last) All-German Writers' Congress in Berlin in October 1947. When Soviet representatives at the Congress condemned the West as reactionary and militaristic and asked the German writers to take side with the Soviet ―Camp of Freedom‖, it was only Melvin Lasky who was ready to ―talk back‖. He criticized the Soviet government for harshly disciplining Soviet intellectuals who did not obey to Communist Party instructions under the auspices of the ―Zhdanovshchina‖. This dispute marked the growing distance between the former allies in public. Until then the allies had tried not to involve the Germans in their political differences and treat them as defeated and occupied enemies. Now both sides started to win the Germans over as future partners in the beginning Cold War. ; В статье изучаются причины охлаждения отношений между бывшими союзниками стран антигитлеровской коалиции в ранний послевоенный период на примере первого (и последнего) «Общегерманского конгресса писателей», состоявшегося в Берлине в октябре 1947 г. После того как представители Советского союза на конгрессе осудили Запад, назвав его реакционным и милитаристским, они попросили немецких авторов встать на сторону советского «лагеря дружбы». Однако только Мелвин Ласки был готов «возразить». Он подверг критике советское правительство за жесткое давление на советских ученых и писателей, которые не следовали партийным инструкциям коммунистической партии под эгидой «ждановщины». Эти разногласия еще более увеличили растущую дистанцию между бывшими союзниками в глазах общества. До того момента союзники старались не вовлекать немцев в свои политические разногласия, так как рассматривали их как побежденных и оккупированных противников. Отныне же обе стороны стали привлекать немцев как своих будущих союзников в начавшейся Холодной войне
The research focuses onidentifying the mechanisms of forming and conditions of development of the local political modes. The theoretical basis of the work arethe key points of Clarence Stone's conception on political regime formation in urban communities. The author suggestintroducing the concepts of «coalitions of coordinations» and «coalitions of controls» to show the dynamics of transition between different types of modes, their dependence on the «centre – periphery» relations and the corresponding volume of capitals. Political history of a large industrial centre is examined as the empiric base for verification of the research hypothesis. ; Наше исследование ставит своей целью выявление механизмов формирования и условий развития локальных политических режимов. Теоретической основой работы выступают ключевые положения концепции становления режимной политики в городских сообществах американского исследователя Кларенса Стоуна. Предлагается через введение концептов «коалиции координации» и «коалиции контроля» показать динамику перехода между различными типами режимов, их обусловленность отношениями «центр – периферия» и соответствующими объемами капиталов. В качестве предлагаемой эмпирической базы для проверки пилотажной гипотезы исследования рассматривается политическая история крупного индустриального центра.
This article is devoted to the disclosure of the essence of the initiatives of the Republic of Uzbekistan in the Afghan direction. The author analyzes the potential opportunities and risks. As a result, the author notes that the active foreign policy of Uzbekistan in the Afghan direction, the change in the country's perception not only as a source of threats, but also potential opportunities will allow achieving significant successes in strengthening cooperation between states and a peaceful settlement of the situation in Afghanistan. At the same time, it seems important to take into account the interests of other countries in the Afghan direction and carry out comprehensive diplomatic work in order to coordinate important initiatives of the republic and their subsequent successful implementation.
The following article considers the origins, external and internal factors of the modern crisis in Yemen. It is particularly noted that one of the reasons that Yemen has always been the arena for a clash of interests of the powers due to its strategic position on the sea route connecting Europe with the Indian ocean. It describes in detail how, along with the external threat, North and South Yemen in the second half of the XXth century was torn by internal contradictions. It is noted that after the integration of Yemen in 1990, opposition intensified its activities against the conditions of unification, which led to a new civil war. The article has a strong focus on the fact that in Yemen in the end of twentieth century political factor has been supplemented by religious factor, i.e., the confrontation escalated between the northerners Shia zaidis and the South Sunni. Attention is drawn to the fact that the spread of Wahhabism in Yemen as an ideological and political force, the creation of "al-Qaeda of the Arabian Peninsula" has further aggravated the explosive situation in the country. The analysis of the process of transformation of the theological movement of the Houthis-zaidis into a military-political force, which managed in the Wake of the "Arab spring" and in Alliance with the supporters of former President Ali Abdullah Saleh, not only to seize power in Sana'a in January 2015, but also to expand its position up to Aden. The particular emphasis has been placed on the fact that since March 2015 the conflict in Yemen has acquired an international character, when the Saudi coalition (Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, Qatar, Sudan and UAE, Egypt) sided with the President in the exile of Abd Rabbo Mansur Hadi and forced the Houthis to retreat from Aden and Bab El-Mandeb Strait by force of arms. It is noted what changes have occurred in the US policy towards the support of the Saudi coalition in recent years. The role of Iran in Yemen and the nature of its relations with the Houthis cause disputes between researchers. Based on the analysis of recent events, it is concluded that the military actions of the Saudi coalition can lead to the elimination of Yemen as a state. The ongoing armed conflict and the futility of attempts at a political solution make the possibility of a peaceful settlement in Yemen problematical.