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The article traces the development of the concept of UN peacekeeping missions from the late 1940s, when they were first applied, to the so-called second generation of peacekeeping missions, which is primarily linked with the 1990s. Designating the changes in carrying out peacekeeping missions as normative, quantitative and qualitative, the author also discusses shifts in the understanding of traditional principles of consent of the parties, impartiality of observers and non-use of force in most cases, which were observed by most peacekeeping missions in the Cold War period. The other focus of this article is the case study of the UNTAES peacekeeping mission carried out from January 15, 1996 to January 15, 1998 in Eastern Slavonia, Sirmium and Baranja, which is considered one of the very rare examples of successful application of the second generation of UN peacekeeping missions, but also of peacekeeping missions in general. Adapted from the source document.

This article examines the scope of Agamben's thesis that the camp is the "nomos" of the world we live in. The author asserts that Agamben's argument in favor of consequentiality includes a call to radical revolutionary change of the world, but that Agamben is unable to utter the call since he has no clear notion of politics freed from law. Kurelic's expose is divided into three segments. In the first one, he focuses on Agamben's disappointment with the corrupt "Free West," especially with the problems that the winners in the Cold War are faced with. In Giorgio Agamben's view, an example of a failed state is his native Italy. In the second segment, the author deals with the "global camp" conception & sets forth the narration in which the contemporary liberal democracy has become one of the incarnations of Leviathan

Završetkom Hladnog rata otvorio se prostor za razvoj odnosa u međunarodnoj zajednici koji pogoduju stvaranju globalnog partnerstva. Iako članak 5. ostaje brand Saveza, nužno je moderniziranje odnosa na relaciji SAD – EU, kao i s ostalim važnim čimbenicima međunarodnih odnosa poput UN-a, OESS-a, Rusije, ali i Kine. Kako su se mijenjali međunarodni odnosi, tako je i Sjevernoatlantski savez tijekom desetljeća svog postojanja prošao različite faze razvoja – od Hladnog rata do pokušaja stvaranja globalnog partnerstva. Djelujući globalno, nameće se potreba za jasnijim definiranjem legitimnosti operacija izvan prostora država članica sukladno međunarodnom pravu. U tom smislu članci 4. i 7. Ugovora dobivaju posebno značenje. Zapravo, imajući u vidu jedinu preostalu misiju tzv. tradicionalnog Saveza u Europi, Lisabonski samit predstavlja velik korak u pravcu završetka NATO-ove vlastite posthladnoratovske tranzicije, ali i doprinos daljnjem procesu izgradnje mira i povjerenja u Jugoistočnoj Europi. ; The end of the Cold War opened the space for developing new relationships in the international community that are conducive to creating global partnerships. Although Article 5 remains the brand of NATO, it is necessary to modernize the relationship between the U.S. and the EU as well as with other important actors in international relations such as the UN, OSCE, Russia and China. With changed international relations through past sixty years, the North Atlantic Alliance has changed itself simultaneously over decades. The Alliance passed through different stages of its own development – from the Cold War era to attempting to create a global partnership. Acting globally, there is a need for defining the legitimate operations outside the territory of Member States under International law. In this sense, Articles 4 and 7 have a special meaning. In fact, bearing in mind the mission of "old" and traditional NATO, the Lisbon Summit represents a major step toward completion of NATO's post-Cold War transition, but also contributes to the process of building long-lasting peace and confidence in Southeast Europe.

The article puts forward an answer to the following question: why is Iran, thirty years after the 1979 revolution, still at the center of world politics, & why is it, on top of that, a legitimate candidate for the status of one of global powers in the new, multi-polar international order. The author stresses that Iran has been the main obstacle to global ambitions of liberal democracy since 1989, & that it has developed a specific ideological & political system based on the idea of theocratic-republican dualism. Furthermore, after the end of the Cold War, it was convenient to the West to have Iran as the Antagonistic Other (and vice versa). The relative American failure in the war against Iraq (2003-) opened up for Iran the options of connecting on a wider basis with Russia, China, Venezuela & the countries of "Old Europe" (Germany & France). Since the relatively prosperous neighboring countries -- China & the four Asian tigers -- are also founded on dualistic principles, Iran did not have to be liberalized in the way that Eastern Europe was liberalized after the Cold War. As the author concludes, the election of Barack Obama for American president presents a new opportunity to normalize relations between Iran & the West, but the opportunity will be seized only if the USA is willing to accept the multi-polarity of international relations & to renounce the doctrine of liberal interventionism. Regardless of the outcome, however, there is still a very real danger of a conflict between Israel & Iran. Adapted from the source document.