The article analyzes the changed concept of security in the post-Cold War era, its importance for the international community as a whole, & its basic values. Special attention is given to the indivisibility & mutual conditions of the security problem, democracy, & markets. The research approach is multidisciplinary & aimed at an analysis of the war against Croatia within the context of the post-Cold War era & its associated obstacles to reaching peace & stability. The roots, causes, & inducements to conflict are determined & the assumptions for peace & stability in the region are researched. Starting with the case of Croatia & the consequences of international crisis caused by aggressive Serbian policy of expansion, the author offers a suggestion for a new security concept -- the concept of metasecurity -- for the era after the Cold War. 33 References. Adapted from the source document.
The author claims that all major efforts concerning European security have always been linked with the end of a war. Thus the end of the Cold War has been marked with the expansion of NATO & an attempt to create a new security. By analyzing the political scope of the expansion, the military & strategic framework, the Russian reactions, & the economic significance, the author comes to the conclusion that the expansion is not conducive to the establishment of an integral system of European security. The purpose of this development by Clinton's team was primarily to outline the new European borders (the key aspect of Clinton's foreign policy) &, in the future, to create the conditions for further expansion & admittance of new members. Only in the remote future, through constant expansion & links with other European organizations, could NATO become the central system of European security. Adapted from the source document.
This article examines the scope of Agamben's thesis that the camp is the "nomos" of the world we live in. The author asserts that Agamben's argument in favor of consequentiality includes a call to radical revolutionary change of the world, but that Agamben is unable to utter the call since he has no clear notion of politics freed from law. Kurelic's expose is divided into three segments. In the first one, he focuses on Agamben's disappointment with the corrupt "Free West," especially with the problems that the winners in the Cold War are faced with. In Giorgio Agamben's view, an example of a failed state is his native Italy. In the second segment, the author deals with the "global camp" conception & sets forth the narration in which the contemporary liberal democracy has become one of the incarnations of Leviathan
The author analyzes the Clinton administration's approach to Europe & the European NATO allies, particularly his wish to develop the partnership & expand the alliance. The new post-Cold-War relations in Europe contributed to stronger American-European ties -- the foundation of atlantism. This new model of relations is discussed in relation to the emerging challenges that pose the key questions: the creation of a new joint strategy, the problems of NATO's "out of area" interventions, & the creation of European relations that will not provoke uncalled-for Russian reactions. Seen within such a framework, NATO is going to remain the chief proponent of military-political actions of the developed world in which the US is to play the leading role. 16 References. Adapted from the source document.
Since WWII, there have been opposing views of the role & the importance of the state in international affairs. Some think that the importance of the state is slowly decreasing, since the increasing interdependence of the world has an enormous influence on both the internal & foreign policies of a state. On the other hand, some point out that the state has not lost any of its importance; on the contrary, this importance will only be enhanced since the world community has not yet come up with a model to replace sovereign state entities. States generate the structure that has a significant influence on individual & group security. This particularly applies to the post-Cold-War period, since the problems & threats of the present-day world -- economic collapse, political oppression, poverty, ethnic conflicts, uncontrolled population boom, nature degradation, terrorism, crime, & disease -- directly affect many other elements of security. It is these problems that turn our attention to the state as the most important institution of the contemporary world, since it still has at its disposal the resources for reducing or eliminating these threats. Adapted from the source document.
The end of the Cold War brought about the emergence of a new geopolitics, one not greatly burdened with former international geopolitical views. One significant shift has been the recognition that geopolitical events cannot be limited to national states & their borders. Of course, states are still central for the world's geopolitical map, but no longer as the sole factors in the global geopolitical system. On the one hand, under the influence of globalization, new conditions have arisen, influenced by geopolitical factors; on the other, new entities are emerging whose influence is very similar to that of the central factors -- contemporary states. These similarities are primarily reflected in the claims of sovereign control over a certain territory, the organization of government on it, the shaping of a particular national identity by the majority population, etc. It is these new territorial & political units that contribute to the deconstruction of the geopolitical order; the disintegration of the Soviet Union is the best illustration. Adapted from the source document.
The author analyzes the process of the NATO expansion in Europe following the collapse of the Berlin Wall & the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact. Paradoxically, after the end of the Cold War, the security conditions in Europe have not improved. On the contrary, the danger of military conflicts has increased. That is why most former communist countries, including the newly created states that emerged after the disintegration of Yugoslavia & the Soviet Union, have been trying to eliminate this danger & strengthen their security by joining NATO. The Russian Federation is the main opponent of the NATO expansion in Eastern Europe, particularly into the states that came into being after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The author describes in detail the geostrategical & geopolitical implications of the admittance of the first group of Eastern European countries into NATO (Poland, the Czech Republic, & Romania), as well as the prospects of the NATO expansion into the other countries in the region. He sees the American initiative for cooperation in Southeastern Europe as a complement to the process of NATO expansion. In the end he criticizes NATO's process of selection of new members, the process that has left Croatia (for the time being) in a sort of a geostrategical void. 5 Appendixes. Adapted from the source document.
Addresses some institutional & structural elements of the emerging European post-Cold War security environment. In the early 1990s, at the level of institutionalization of European security, a plethora of institutions came into being whose purpose has been to gradually incorporate the former communist states into an integral security structure. Also, international security was formalized in international organizations covering Europe. Thus, one of the key challenges to the European security system has been the need for melding its central components into a consistent system. The author also describes some current processes & developments within the European security setting that will shape the European security structure in the future as well. This setting has been, & will undoubtedly continue to be, affected by various international (regional & global) & national factors in the European economic, political, & security space as well as by the joint efforts of European states (their leaders) & international security organizations to provide common security in Europe. The author concludes that the European international system today includes many organizations & institutions that, with an appropriate division of labor & cooperation, may help set up a common & integral European security system that would efficiently ensure the security of individual states as well as of Europe as a whole. 1 Figure. Adapted from the source document.
The author analyzes the process of democratization of international relations & the future configuration of international order following the end of the era of bipolar confrontation & the establishment of cooperation in a world that has witnessed changes in the key actors' roles regarding their approach to the resolution of the post-Cold-War crises that jeopardize the world's peace & stability. First, the author provides a short outline of the genesis of the evolution of US foreign policy, from the end of WWII to the beginning of the Cold War & the formation of NATO. He points out that today's agenda of the international order, its structures, interventionism, & use of force in achieving political objectives, were already shaped at that time. The suggestions put forward constituted the framework & foundation for world politics until the late 1980s; the cumulative effect of these responses on today's attempts at solving post-Cold-War crises enables us to evaluate the roles & behavior of individual actors in the resolution of the Kosovo crisis. The maintenance of peace & stability in the post-Cold-War world in the circumstances of cooperation & partnership requires an appropriate approach & manner of resolving the crises triggered off by the collapse of communist federations. Imperial policies & regimes must be eliminated, while the processes of geopolitical consolidation & the creation of independent & sovereign states in Central & Eastern Europe (& in Euro-Asia on the whole), built around democratic & market principles, must be wrapped up. The new political leaders (mostly leftist) in the countries that for 50+ years (& now through the Kosovo crisis) have been developing the transatlantic alliance within the military-political framework of NATO (based on the same values, principles, & goals), are now developing appropriate strategies for the post-Cold-War hotspots (based on cumulative experience). 25 References. Adapted from the source document.
Ethnic minorities & minorities-related conflicts have always been one of the most important security issues for the international community. The durability of ethnic conflicts in certain regions & the difficulties in their resolution, have resulted in the outbreak of many armed conflicts, the collapse of multi-ethnic states, the changes of borders & of demographic relations. Despite the increasing number of security challenges & needs, it is still not possible to talk about a certain uniform & universally accepted model of solving the problems among ethnic minorities. It is obvious that in the post-Cold War period this is going to be an increasingly pressing need of international community. The paper deals with most basic security problems that are caused by the unsettled relationships between ethnic minorities & majority; it also covers the policies of their resolution. By analyzing the model of resolving ethnic conflicts in South Tyrol, two groups of ethnic conflicts' resolution policies are looked into: the policy of the elimination of differences & the policy of managing differences. 20 References. Adapted from the source document.
The turmoils in international relations following the fall of the Berlin wall represented a serious challenge for the overall concept of European political unity. In its first international assignment outside the context of the Cold war, traditional national interests & animosities surfaced, & they demonstrated rather precisely all the complexity of the project promulgated by the Maastricht Agreement. At the time there was no common European approach to the solution of the crisis on the territory of the former Yugoslavia & no consent regarding the key issues, such as the recognition of the former Yugoslav republics as sovereign entities i.e. defining the criteria for their recognition. The paper focuses on this very specificity of the new approach to this problem, since it has increasingly been a subject of discretionary political decisions rather than the issue of international law in the traditional sense of meeting certain criteria for state recognition. & finally, concerning the degree of encroaching upon national sovereignty, there is a marked difference between the nature of the process of shaping a common foreign & security policy & shaping policies in other areas (e.g. transport, science & education, & so on). Also, the importance of developing an awareness of this difference as the main precondition for the realization of the project of the EU political integration is pointed out. References. Adapted from the source document.
The US governance model created in the 1930s & known as Big Government is analyzed within the context of its application in foreign policy. The author looks into the foreign policy role of the American federal government, the dynamics of the relationship between the executive & the legislative branches during & following the Cold War period, & the changes occurring after the terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001. Emphasis is on analysis of the Cold War legacy of the so-called nontraditional instruments of foreign policy interventions or the resources & techniques of covert activity. The author concludes that the extensive utilization of these instruments has significantly undermined the principle of limited federal government as one of the fundaments of American politics. However, in light of the new mobilization of resources in the fight against terrorism, it is necessary once again to evaluate the means of covert activity. 14 References. Adapted from the source document.
An analysis of US foreign policy strategy shows that a more intensive advocacy of human rights & democracy is usually characteristic of Democratic Party presidents & their administrations. The numerous challenges of the new world order that Bill Clinton, the first Democratic president born after WWII, was faced with required the redefinition of the role, goals, & interests of the sole remaining superpower in the new international community. The promotion of democracy & liberal market values & the protection of universal human rights were the guidelines for Clinton administration's foreign policy during both of his mandates. Due to the specific features & intensity of geopolitical changes, which resulted in armed conflicts in Southeastern Europe, the consequence of the American policy toward the newly created countries (the so-called young democracies on the Old Continent, including the new Russia) was that the first NATO military "out of area" campaign on Kosovo was justified as an attempt to stem the flood of refugees & to put an end to the violation of ethnic & other human rights. Since the US has announced its intention to intervene when & if (& based on their interests) they deem that basic human rights & democratic values are violated, it can be said that a new pattern of behavior has emerged that would have to be adopted by the other members of the new world order as well. 21 References. Adapted from the source document.
NATO's military action in Yugoslavia is a pivotal event that is going to leave an indelible impact on the future direction of international relations. The author first analyzes the underlying causes of the campaign, among which were the international community's resolve to finally punish Milosevic, be instrumental in eliminating his regime, drive out Russian interests from the Balkans, & espouse a positive stance toward Muslim countries, as well as the internal political American reason: the desire to strengthen President Clinton's position. This action has also had a manifold significance for the new world order, since it poses the questions of the world order's content, nature, leadership, & norms in a new light. In the process of establishing the new post-Cold-War relations, various tendencies that will pave the way to the new millennium will clash. On the one hand, there will be the exclusive approach based on force & interests, & on the other, the desire to establish the relations in which human rights will be the fundamental criterion for assessing the suitability of a country for a full membership in the newly unified international community. Adapted from the source document.