"Featuring new evidence on: the end of the Cold War, 1989; the fall of the Wall; Sino-Soviet relations, 1958-59; Soviet missile deployments, 1959; the Iran Crisis, 1944-46; Tito and Khrushchev, 1954. ; "Fall/Winter 2001" ; Caption title. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; "Featuring new evidence on: the end of the Cold War, 1989; the fall of the Wall; Sino-Soviet relations, 1958-59; Soviet missile deployments, 1959; the Iran Crisis, 1944-46; Tito and Khrushchev, 1954. ; Mode of access: Internet.
Compilation of the keynote address and papers presented at the Conference on Cold War Archives in the Decade of Openness sponsored by the Department of Defense and the Library of Congress and held at the Library, June 28-29, 2000, highlighting the collections of the Defense Department's Open House Program deposited in the European Division of the Library. ; Edited by Frank N. Schubert. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.
At head of title: 89th Congress, 1st session. Committee print. ; Hearings, with special t.p., called pt. 9 of Winning the cold war: the U.S. ideological offensive. ; At head of title: 89th Congress, 1st session. Committee print. ; Mode of access: Internet.
This essay, composed for a first-year writing seminar on 20th century foreign policy, compares the biographies of Kissinger and Brzezinski as elite immigrant academics in the Cold War era. The author finds that both men's immigrant backgrounds played critical roles in informing their evaluation of the United States' political policy regarding Soviet communism. For additional context, listen to theauthor's reflection on the piece below.
Cold matters on a number of different levels. It has become a political instrument that helps to establish common ground for the cold regions of the globe. As a metaphor, it suggests an impassioned and controlled outlook on life. Physically, cold produces environments where people can freeze and starve to death. Psychologically, it may serve as the route to self-discovery, since it has the capacity to strip away everything except the most essential aspects of the self. Historically, cold has usually been surrounded by negative associations but more recently, it has become a theme to explore in words and pictures and exploit in marketing strategies. At the beginning of the twenty-first century there are signs that indicate that cold is becoming increasingly "cool." At such a juncture, it is vital to assess the cultural meaning of snow, ice and cold since conventional ideological and metaphorical connotations of the concepts are destabilised. Cold Matters launches the monograph series linked to The Journal of Northern Studies. This interdisciplinary journal concentrates on life in the northern parts of the globe, and is published by Umeå University and Sweden's northernmost Royal Academy, the Royal Skyttean Society.
Post-cold war concept of security is based on realistic postulates and emphasises a concept of state, forces,power and national interests. Military and political concept of security was dominant while the relations between the superpowers was based on the so called bipolar balance of power. Identity of states was realised by membership in military, political and economic organisations. The strategy of returning to the era of nuclear weapons reaches its full flowering. The crucial point of security after the end of Cold war consists of searching for giving answers to the threats coming from the outside and abilities of states to maintain their independent integrity against changed relations among the powers, which potentially may become enemies. Under such circumstances powers should not be ignored in any interpretation of any aspect of security, for realistic theories of international relations are still of great influence in the field of security. They will be modified in different conditions and will act in the sense of enlarged concept of security - instead of dominant concepts of political and military security typical for the Cold War era, economic, social and environmental factors will appear. Basic weakness of the realistic theories of security is in the lack of recognising the importance of cooperation between main factors in international community. This failure will be replaced neo realistic and liberal and institutional theories of security which emphasises the concept of cooperation in the first place. Concepts of power, forces and integral processes will be observed within the context of changes in the international relations.
For archaeologist Maxine 'Max' Falkland, life in early-50s London is difficult enough as she tries to move on from the death of her brother, an RAF pilot shot down over Korea. But, when she meets John Knox things get more complicated — before they get outright dangerous. Flying her light plane to Scotland, Max overhears whispered arguments in Russian coming from the next-door room and sees lights across the moors that appear to answer flashes from the sea. Add the mysterious malfunction of her plane and she has a lot to confide when she encounters the enigmatic Richard Ash, a local landowner and recluse. But when Knox unexpectedly reappears and a dive goes disastrously wrong, Max must act fast as she finds herself in the middle of a Soviet military plot. This novel grew out of a 2010 oral history project at the University of Hertfordshire, where I interviewed female pilots from the Air Transport Auxiliary and extensive period detail research.
Upon temperature downshift below the lower threshold of balanced growth (~20°C), the Escherichia coli translational apparatus undergoes modifications allowing the selective translation of the transcripts of cold shock-induced genes, while bulk protein synthesis is drastically reduced. Here we were able to reproduce this translational bias in E. coli cell-free extracts prepared at various times during cold adaptation which were found to display different capacities to translate different types of mRNAs as a function of temperature. Several causes were found to contribute to the cold-shock translational bias: Cold-shock mRNAs contain cis-elements, making them intrinsically more prone to being translated in the cold, and they are selective targets for trans-acting factors present in increased amounts in the translational apparatus of cold-shocked cells. CspA was found to be among these trans-acting factors. In addition to inducing a higher level of CspA, cold shock was found to cause a strong (two- to threefold) stoichiometric imbalance of the ratio between initiation factors (IF1, IF2, IF3) and ribosomes without altering the stoichiometric ratio between the factors themselves. The most important sources of cold-shock translational bias is IF3, which strongly and selectively favors translation of cold-shock mRNAs in the cold. IF1 and the RNA chaperone CspA, which stimulate translation preferentially in the cold without mRNA selectivity, can also contribute to the translational bias. Finally, in contrast to a previous claim, translation of cold-shock cspA mRNA in the cold was found to be as sensitive as that of a non-cold-shock mRNA to both chloramphenicol and kanamycin inhibition.
The present article draws parallels between existing political realities and the onesthat occurred during the Cold War in the second half of the 20th century. Similarto the previous one, the new Cold War is consistent with the logic of «the policy ofdeterrence» which nowadays is directed against the United States. «Cold War-1»reflected stiff competition between the two opposite ideological and geopoliticalprograms. Meanwhile, today we have several poles of power and, therefore, «ColdWar-2» is viewed as multipolar. The article provides a schematic outline of thestrategies pursued by the parties to the «multipolar war», where as a rule asymmetriccompetition is dominant. It also describes the dynamics of the relationship betweenthe two traditional rivals, the United States and Russia.
A thesis submitted to the University of Bedfordshire in partial fulfilment ofthe requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy ; For most of the second half of the 20th century the world's political map was divided by the Cold War, a name given to the 40-year long standoff between the superpowers - the Unites States and the USSR - and their allies. Due to its geographical location and alliance with the United States, Britain was at the 'frontline' of the Cold War. As a response to increasing tensions, the British Government made arrangements by building hundreds of military sites and structures, which were often dismantled or abandoned as the technology on which they relied became rapidly ineffective. Nowadays, there is a growing (academic) recognition of Cold War sites and their new or contemporary uses, including as heritage attractions within a tourism context. This study has brought forward a constructionist approach as to investigate how heritage works as a cultural and social practice that constructs and regulates a range of values and ideologies about what constitutes Cold War heritage (and) tourism in Britain. It has done this by, firstly, exploring the dominant and professional 'authorised heritage discourse', which aims to construct mutually, agreed and shared concepts about the phenomenon of 'Cold War heritage' within a tourism context. The study identified a network of actors, values, policies and discourses that centred on the concept of 'Cold War heritage' at selected sites through which a 'material reality' of the past is constructed. Although various opposing viewpoints were identified, the actors effectively seem to privilege and naturalise certain narratives of cultural and social meanings and values through tourism of what constitutes Cold War heritage and the ways it should be manifested through material and natural places, sites and objects within society. Differences were particularly noticeable in the values, uses and meanings of Cold iii Cold War heritage (and) tourism War heritage within the contemporary context of heritage management in Britain. For some, the sites were connected with a personal 'past', a place to commemorate, celebrate or learn from the past. For others, the sites were a source of income, a tourism asset, or contrary, a financial burden as the sites were not 'old enough' or 'aesthetically pleasing' to be regarded as a monument to be preserved as heritage. Subsequently, the study also explored the (disempowered) role of visitors to the sites as passive receivers, leaving little room for individual reflections on the wider social and cultural processes of Cold War heritage. Although, most visitors believed that the stewardship and professional view of the Cold War representations at the sites should not directly be contested, this study has illustrated the idea that what makes places valuable and gives them meaning as heritage sites is not solely based on contemporary practices by a dominant heritage discourse. Despite the visitors' support for the sole ownership by site managers, and the selective representations of the Cold War and events, they did question or negotiate the idea of 'heritage' as a physical and sole subject of management practices. Despite having little prior knowledge about the Cold War era or events, by pressing the borders of the authorised parameters of 'Cold War heritage', visitors actively constructed their experiences as being, or becoming, part of their personal and collective moments of 'heritage'. By inscribing (new) memories and meaning into their identity, and therefore also changing the nature of that identity, they reflected upon the past, present and future, (some more critically than others. To conclude, understanding these discursive meanings of Cold War heritage (and) tourism, and the ways in which ideas about Cold War heritage are constructed, negotiated and contested within and between discourses also contributes to understandings about the philosophical, historical, conceptual and political barriers that exist in identifying and engaging with different forms of heritage.
This article examines the development of the Institute of People's Culture (Lembaga Kebudayaan Rakyat, Lekra) in West Java in the 1950s and 1960s. Drawing on contemporary publications, oral histories and archival documents, the article incorporates views 'from below' into an account of what became a vibrant cultural force. It shows how Lekra attracted a cultural elite but also wove itself into everyday life, as part of a web of organisations linked to the Indonesian Communist Party. Lekra in West Java combined an outward looking engagement in cultural diplomacy with efforts to reform Sundanese culture. Some developments in West Java paralleled national trends, including Lekra's intensifying politicisation and growing cultural polarisation. However, developments in the province also had their own dynamics, manifesting in the contributions of prominent Sundanese Lekra figures to the 'wayang controversy' and in the role of a group of Sundanese writers who rejected the choice between Lekra and a rival group supporting the Cultural Manifesto. The article highlights challenges in applying a Cold War framework to cultural life in the decolonising world, and the need to move beyond elites in capital cities to incorporate views from the provinces and the grassroots.
To speak about emotions is to attempt to address a notoriously challenging and vast category of cultural existence, aking to undertaking an analysis of "the body" or "reason." But as contemporary work in cultural studies and poststructuralism has shown, undertaking explorations of the body and reason are extremely pressing and productive areas of critical inquiry. Culturalist approaches to emotions, however, have only recently begun to emerge as a distinct area of investigation. A useful entry point into the complexities of emotion as a sociocultural category is Raymond Williams' concept, structure of feeling.
Much of the literature about the Cold War victimizes one side and puts most of the blame for the emergence of tensions on the other; thus, it is no wonder that the general public remains misinformed about the whole affair. Hence, this paper presents an analysis of the events that were crucial to the rise of the Cold War, including the question of control over Poland, the British intervention in Greece, and the incidents that increased tensions between the Allies. It examines why missteps from both sides generated further missteps and, finally, a dangerous confrontation. Finally, this paper concludes with an analysis of the combined impact of these factors. The timeframe for these events is the period from the end of World War II in 1944 to 1945 until the Berlin Blockade, which began on 24 June 1948 (and ended on 12 May 1949). The latter is commonly acknowledged as the "real" manifestation of the Cold War but will not be described in detail here, as it is not my intention to describe the Cold War itself, but rather the events and interactions that caused the conflict.
