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In: http://hdl.handle.net/2027/wu.89072787104
"Featuring new evidence on: the end of the Cold War, 1989; the fall of the Wall; Sino-Soviet relations, 1958-59; Soviet missile deployments, 1959; the Iran Crisis, 1944-46; Tito and Khrushchev, 1954. ; "Fall/Winter 2001" ; Caption title. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; "Featuring new evidence on: the end of the Cold War, 1989; the fall of the Wall; Sino-Soviet relations, 1958-59; Soviet missile deployments, 1959; the Iran Crisis, 1944-46; Tito and Khrushchev, 1954. ; Mode of access: Internet.
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Post-cold war concept of security is based on realistic postulates and emphasises a concept of state, forces,power and national interests. Military and political concept of security was dominant while the relations between the superpowers was based on the so called bipolar balance of power. Identity of states was realised by membership in military, political and economic organisations. The strategy of returning to the era of nuclear weapons reaches its full flowering. The crucial point of security after the end of Cold war consists of searching for giving answers to the threats coming from the outside and abilities of states to maintain their independent integrity against changed relations among the powers, which potentially may become enemies. Under such circumstances powers should not be ignored in any interpretation of any aspect of security, for realistic theories of international relations are still of great influence in the field of security. They will be modified in different conditions and will act in the sense of enlarged concept of security - instead of dominant concepts of political and military security typical for the Cold War era, economic, social and environmental factors will appear. Basic weakness of the realistic theories of security is in the lack of recognising the importance of cooperation between main factors in international community. This failure will be replaced neo realistic and liberal and institutional theories of security which emphasises the concept of cooperation in the first place. Concepts of power, forces and integral processes will be observed within the context of changes in the international relations.
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Much of the literature about the Cold War victimizes one side and puts most of the blame for the emergence of tensions on the other; thus, it is no wonder that the general public remains misinformed about the whole affair. Hence, this paper presents an analysis of the events that were crucial to the rise of the Cold War, including the question of control over Poland, the British intervention in Greece, and the incidents that increased tensions between the Allies. It examines why missteps from both sides generated further missteps and, finally, a dangerous confrontation. Finally, this paper concludes with an analysis of the combined impact of these factors. The timeframe for these events is the period from the end of World War II in 1944 to 1945 until the Berlin Blockade, which began on 24 June 1948 (and ended on 12 May 1949). The latter is commonly acknowledged as the "real" manifestation of the Cold War but will not be described in detail here, as it is not my intention to describe the Cold War itself, but rather the events and interactions that caused the conflict.
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The present article draws parallels between existing political realities and the onesthat occurred during the Cold War in the second half of the 20th century. Similarto the previous one, the new Cold War is consistent with the logic of «the policy ofdeterrence» which nowadays is directed against the United States. «Cold War-1»reflected stiff competition between the two opposite ideological and geopoliticalprograms. Meanwhile, today we have several poles of power and, therefore, «ColdWar-2» is viewed as multipolar. The article provides a schematic outline of thestrategies pursued by the parties to the «multipolar war», where as a rule asymmetriccompetition is dominant. It also describes the dynamics of the relationship betweenthe two traditional rivals, the United States and Russia.
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World War II permanently changed the state of global politics, establishing the United States as a major superpower. In particular, the creation of the atomic bomb at the end of the war ushered in a new era of nuclear tension and a Cold War between the United States and Soviet Union, in which each side was pushed to marshal resources – foreign and domestic, cultural and political, at all levels – in support of its cause. The purpose of this research is to provide an analysis of the impact of the Cold War on American public primary and secondary schools, particularly focusing on changes in curriculum as a result of pressures from the Soviet Union and the influence of the federal government. In order to respond to the Soviet threat and maintain the U.S.'s status, public schools utilized their influence by instilling "American" values and conditioning children to be future contributors to society by focusing more heavily on mathematics, science, physical education, and foreign languages. By exploring primary and secondary sources, I analyze the changes in public school functions within the context of the onset of the Cold War (1947-1968). Utilizing these sources, which include federal acts, Massachusetts Board of Education reports, funding directives, and curricula, this research aims to show what specific changes were enacted by schools in order to mold pupils into ideal members of society during the Cold War. This research will contribute to existing literature on education in late twentieth-century America, which has shaped the needs and goals of education in the new millennium. My findings emphasize the deep and lasting impact that a war of such magnitude has had on society. In addition, it shows how American public schools responded to the Cold War in order to help current and future educators fully understand and utilize their influence in divisive times.
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This essay, composed for a first-year writing seminar on 20th century foreign policy, compares the biographies of Kissinger and Brzezinski as elite immigrant academics in the Cold War era. The author finds that both men's immigrant backgrounds played critical roles in informing their evaluation of the United States' political policy regarding Soviet communism. For additional context, listen to theauthor's reflection on the piece below.
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This article examines the development of the Institute of People's Culture (Lembaga Kebudayaan Rakyat, Lekra) in West Java in the 1950s and 1960s. Drawing on contemporary publications, oral histories and archival documents, the article incorporates views 'from below' into an account of what became a vibrant cultural force. It shows how Lekra attracted a cultural elite but also wove itself into everyday life, as part of a web of organisations linked to the Indonesian Communist Party. Lekra in West Java combined an outward looking engagement in cultural diplomacy with efforts to reform Sundanese culture. Some developments in West Java paralleled national trends, including Lekra's intensifying politicisation and growing cultural polarisation. However, developments in the province also had their own dynamics, manifesting in the contributions of prominent Sundanese Lekra figures to the 'wayang controversy' and in the role of a group of Sundanese writers who rejected the choice between Lekra and a rival group supporting the Cultural Manifesto. The article highlights challenges in applying a Cold War framework to cultural life in the decolonising world, and the need to move beyond elites in capital cities to incorporate views from the provinces and the grassroots.
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The role of George Kennan's Containment strategy in securing a U.S. victory in the Cold War has been overstated by both the right and the left. While its attributes render it an acceptable and honorable path to victory, Containment's efficacy is undermined by military and diplomatic conflict, which yielded a change in American foreign policy after 1968. What can more accurately be considered America's winning strategy is a three-part proposal by Major General John R. Deane, chief of the United States Military Liaison Mission to Moscow from 1943 to 1945. He asserted that active attempts to contain Soviet Communism around the globe would not be as potent as the system's inherent incompatibility with both world domination and Russian society.
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The decline of amateurism in the Olympics, the increased importance of women's sports in America, and the increased politicization of the Olympics were all trends driven, in part, by Cold War rivalries. To examine the relationship between sports and the Cold war, this paper will examine the magazine Sports Illustrated during this period. Sports Illustrated's rhetoric and propaganda permeated through many areas of U.S culture. The anti-Soviet rhetoric used in Sports Illustrated also shows the importance of sports in the Cold War as a way for each nation to measure which country was superior. Sports Illustrated had a unique perspective because it reported on one f the few places where Americans and Soviets actually competed against each other directly.
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