Colombia's internal conflict is one of the longest running and the most challenging and violent conflicts in Western hemisphere. It has killed about 400 000 civilians, and displaced more than 3 million people. All the spheres of the state and society were affected by violence. Conflict also has impact beyond Colombia's borders, spilling into the region with consequences for migration, borders, regional relations as well as international policy and engagement. Moreover, it is closely related to illicit drug industry. This conflict broke out because of many reasons. First of all, there were political causes. Democracy was limited; only two parties could have participated in the politics. Moreover, they always competed with each other. Also institutions were weak and corrupt. Secondly, it is very important to take into account economical and social causes. Almost all arable land belonged to a small group of rich people and the poor ones didn't have any of it. 70 % of people lived below poverty line, there was a big gap between rich and poor, unemployment rates were very high. So for these reasons guerilla groups were formed. The main fighters of the conflict are ELN (Ejército de Liberación Nacional) and FARC (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia). They are the oldest guerilla groups in the world. Since the mid-1980's they have become financially dependant on criminal activities, such as drug trafficking, extortion and kidnapping. In 1996 paramilitary group AUC (Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia) was formed. Now it is demobilized, but still there are a lot of problems related with it. There are different opinions about this conflict. Mostly it is agreed that Colombian conflict is a very serious civil war and that it is necessary to take measures to solve it. However, some scientists believe that this conflict is internal but not civil war. Still they agree that it is very dangerous.[.].
Colombia's internal conflict is one of the longest running and the most challenging and violent conflicts in Western hemisphere. It has killed about 400 000 civilians, and displaced more than 3 million people. All the spheres of the state and society were affected by violence. Conflict also has impact beyond Colombia's borders, spilling into the region with consequences for migration, borders, regional relations as well as international policy and engagement. Moreover, it is closely related to illicit drug industry. This conflict broke out because of many reasons. First of all, there were political causes. Democracy was limited; only two parties could have participated in the politics. Moreover, they always competed with each other. Also institutions were weak and corrupt. Secondly, it is very important to take into account economical and social causes. Almost all arable land belonged to a small group of rich people and the poor ones didn't have any of it. 70 % of people lived below poverty line, there was a big gap between rich and poor, unemployment rates were very high. So for these reasons guerilla groups were formed. The main fighters of the conflict are ELN (Ejército de Liberación Nacional) and FARC (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia). They are the oldest guerilla groups in the world. Since the mid-1980's they have become financially dependant on criminal activities, such as drug trafficking, extortion and kidnapping. In 1996 paramilitary group AUC (Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia) was formed. Now it is demobilized, but still there are a lot of problems related with it. There are different opinions about this conflict. Mostly it is agreed that Colombian conflict is a very serious civil war and that it is necessary to take measures to solve it. However, some scientists believe that this conflict is internal but not civil war. Still they agree that it is very dangerous.[.].
Colombia's internal conflict is one of the longest running and the most challenging and violent conflicts in Western hemisphere. It has killed about 400 000 civilians, and displaced more than 3 million people. All the spheres of the state and society were affected by violence. Conflict also has impact beyond Colombia's borders, spilling into the region with consequences for migration, borders, regional relations as well as international policy and engagement. Moreover, it is closely related to illicit drug industry. This conflict broke out because of many reasons. First of all, there were political causes. Democracy was limited; only two parties could have participated in the politics. Moreover, they always competed with each other. Also institutions were weak and corrupt. Secondly, it is very important to take into account economical and social causes. Almost all arable land belonged to a small group of rich people and the poor ones didn't have any of it. 70 % of people lived below poverty line, there was a big gap between rich and poor, unemployment rates were very high. So for these reasons guerilla groups were formed. The main fighters of the conflict are ELN (Ejército de Liberación Nacional) and FARC (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia). They are the oldest guerilla groups in the world. Since the mid-1980's they have become financially dependant on criminal activities, such as drug trafficking, extortion and kidnapping. In 1996 paramilitary group AUC (Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia) was formed. Now it is demobilized, but still there are a lot of problems related with it. There are different opinions about this conflict. Mostly it is agreed that Colombian conflict is a very serious civil war and that it is necessary to take measures to solve it. However, some scientists believe that this conflict is internal but not civil war. Still they agree that it is very dangerous.[.].
Looking from a few hundred years of historical perspective, the Western Hemisphere is being dominated by United States of America. In the twenty-first century, however, one can say it is quite noticeable decline in the United States relative power. In addition, the September 11 events have relatively adjusted major U.S. foreign policy priorities and fostered to focus its attention on other regions of the world (particularly Middle East and Middle Asia). Along these lines, a kind of vacuum of influence that has left afterwards in the Latin America has been actively used by other states. One of the most assertive, Brazil, has lots of aspirations to fill and consolidate the regional leadership and thus become a leader of more united and integrated South America. As a rapidly emerging middle power, Brazil tries to counterbalance the U.S. influence in the region and calls for reforms of a particular international governance structures (for example, the UN Security Council). Nevertheless, the United States usually is prone to secure its own national interests by implementation of its own measures. The general subject of this work is the power dynamics of United States and Brazil and their foreign policy initiatives oriented towards keeping or increasing influence in Latin America. The aim of this thesis is to analyze Brazil as a challenge to the United States dominance in Western Hemisphere and to evaluate the U.S. response, in order to maintain their leadership. Seeking to achieve the aim of the study, the following tasks have been fulfilled during the working process. Namely with reference to the international relations theories and conceptions of power, balancing and emergent middle power discussed in the thesis, the place of the United States and Brazil in the international system has been identified. Additionally, the geopolitical context and processes of the historical U.S. leadership consolidation in Western Hemisphere has been analyzed. In the empirical part of this work, the growth of Brazil's power and the impact on regional and global level affairs have been discussed. Moreover, after the analysis of Brazil's soft balancing against the United States, it has been defined how U.S. responses to such actions and seeks to secure its own strategic interests in the Western Hemisphere. The work is carried out using descriptive, analytical and comparative methods as well as the analysis of documents and scientific literature. Brazil pursues foreign policy strategies that are common for the emergent middle powers – coalition–building and soft balancing against the dominant state, when there are a significant military and economic power asimmetry between the states. Thus, pursuit of global influence through bilateral or multilateral instruments, in order to limit or complicate U.S. freedom of action or diplomacy but also avoid direct confrontation to the United States, is quite a rational choice. Also, in order to increase autonomy in foreign policy making and to secure national interests, Brazil creates regional organizations and forums, which excludes the United States (such as the Union of South American Nations or South American Defense Council). During the terms of G.W. Bush administration (2001–2009), the area of Latin America, which U.S. seeks to control totally, was partially reduced. Thus, most of the economic, political or military initiatives and projects have been designed specifically towards the North and Central America, the Caribbean and Colombia. B. Obama (2009–2012) basically continued that foreign policy course in Latin America of former U.S. administration. In other words, the concentration on the specific territory and the militarization of the particular safety corridor remained (U.S.–Central America–Colombia). Moreover, the United States seeks to expand miscellaneous (military or economic) integration of that area. The influence in Latin America is preserved and expanded using initiatives such as Plan Colombia, Merida Initiative, also military bases in Colombia or naval fleet in the Carribean and South Pacific Ocena reactivation.
Looking from a few hundred years of historical perspective, the Western Hemisphere is being dominated by United States of America. In the twenty-first century, however, one can say it is quite noticeable decline in the United States relative power. In addition, the September 11 events have relatively adjusted major U.S. foreign policy priorities and fostered to focus its attention on other regions of the world (particularly Middle East and Middle Asia). Along these lines, a kind of vacuum of influence that has left afterwards in the Latin America has been actively used by other states. One of the most assertive, Brazil, has lots of aspirations to fill and consolidate the regional leadership and thus become a leader of more united and integrated South America. As a rapidly emerging middle power, Brazil tries to counterbalance the U.S. influence in the region and calls for reforms of a particular international governance structures (for example, the UN Security Council). Nevertheless, the United States usually is prone to secure its own national interests by implementation of its own measures. The general subject of this work is the power dynamics of United States and Brazil and their foreign policy initiatives oriented towards keeping or increasing influence in Latin America. The aim of this thesis is to analyze Brazil as a challenge to the United States dominance in Western Hemisphere and to evaluate the U.S. response, in order to maintain their leadership. Seeking to achieve the aim of the study, the following tasks have been fulfilled during the working process. Namely with reference to the international relations theories and conceptions of power, balancing and emergent middle power discussed in the thesis, the place of the United States and Brazil in the international system has been identified. Additionally, the geopolitical context and processes of the historical U.S. leadership consolidation in Western Hemisphere has been analyzed. In the empirical part of this work, the growth of Brazil's power and the impact on regional and global level affairs have been discussed. Moreover, after the analysis of Brazil's soft balancing against the United States, it has been defined how U.S. responses to such actions and seeks to secure its own strategic interests in the Western Hemisphere. The work is carried out using descriptive, analytical and comparative methods as well as the analysis of documents and scientific literature. Brazil pursues foreign policy strategies that are common for the emergent middle powers – coalition–building and soft balancing against the dominant state, when there are a significant military and economic power asimmetry between the states. Thus, pursuit of global influence through bilateral or multilateral instruments, in order to limit or complicate U.S. freedom of action or diplomacy but also avoid direct confrontation to the United States, is quite a rational choice. Also, in order to increase autonomy in foreign policy making and to secure national interests, Brazil creates regional organizations and forums, which excludes the United States (such as the Union of South American Nations or South American Defense Council). During the terms of G.W. Bush administration (2001–2009), the area of Latin America, which U.S. seeks to control totally, was partially reduced. Thus, most of the economic, political or military initiatives and projects have been designed specifically towards the North and Central America, the Caribbean and Colombia. B. Obama (2009–2012) basically continued that foreign policy course in Latin America of former U.S. administration. In other words, the concentration on the specific territory and the militarization of the particular safety corridor remained (U.S.–Central America–Colombia). Moreover, the United States seeks to expand miscellaneous (military or economic) integration of that area. The influence in Latin America is preserved and expanded using initiatives such as Plan Colombia, Merida Initiative, also military bases in Colombia or naval fleet in the Carribean and South Pacific Ocena reactivation.
Looking from a few hundred years of historical perspective, the Western Hemisphere is being dominated by United States of America. In the twenty-first century, however, one can say it is quite noticeable decline in the United States relative power. In addition, the September 11 events have relatively adjusted major U.S. foreign policy priorities and fostered to focus its attention on other regions of the world (particularly Middle East and Middle Asia). Along these lines, a kind of vacuum of influence that has left afterwards in the Latin America has been actively used by other states. One of the most assertive, Brazil, has lots of aspirations to fill and consolidate the regional leadership and thus become a leader of more united and integrated South America. As a rapidly emerging middle power, Brazil tries to counterbalance the U.S. influence in the region and calls for reforms of a particular international governance structures (for example, the UN Security Council). Nevertheless, the United States usually is prone to secure its own national interests by implementation of its own measures. The general subject of this work is the power dynamics of United States and Brazil and their foreign policy initiatives oriented towards keeping or increasing influence in Latin America. The aim of this thesis is to analyze Brazil as a challenge to the United States dominance in Western Hemisphere and to evaluate the U.S. response, in order to maintain their leadership. Seeking to achieve the aim of the study, the following tasks have been fulfilled during the working process. Namely with reference to the international relations theories and conceptions of power, balancing and emergent middle power discussed in the thesis, the place of the United States and Brazil in the international system has been identified. Additionally, the geopolitical context and processes of the historical U.S. leadership consolidation in Western Hemisphere has been analyzed. In the empirical part of this work, the growth of Brazil's power and the impact on regional and global level affairs have been discussed. Moreover, after the analysis of Brazil's soft balancing against the United States, it has been defined how U.S. responses to such actions and seeks to secure its own strategic interests in the Western Hemisphere. The work is carried out using descriptive, analytical and comparative methods as well as the analysis of documents and scientific literature. Brazil pursues foreign policy strategies that are common for the emergent middle powers – coalition–building and soft balancing against the dominant state, when there are a significant military and economic power asimmetry between the states. Thus, pursuit of global influence through bilateral or multilateral instruments, in order to limit or complicate U.S. freedom of action or diplomacy but also avoid direct confrontation to the United States, is quite a rational choice. Also, in order to increase autonomy in foreign policy making and to secure national interests, Brazil creates regional organizations and forums, which excludes the United States (such as the Union of South American Nations or South American Defense Council). During the terms of G.W. Bush administration (2001–2009), the area of Latin America, which U.S. seeks to control totally, was partially reduced. Thus, most of the economic, political or military initiatives and projects have been designed specifically towards the North and Central America, the Caribbean and Colombia. B. Obama (2009–2012) basically continued that foreign policy course in Latin America of former U.S. administration. In other words, the concentration on the specific territory and the militarization of the particular safety corridor remained (U.S.–Central America–Colombia). Moreover, the United States seeks to expand miscellaneous (military or economic) integration of that area. The influence in Latin America is preserved and expanded using initiatives such as Plan Colombia, Merida Initiative, also military bases in Colombia or naval fleet in the Carribean and South Pacific Ocena reactivation.
