This scientific report overviews the most important results and achievements of the scientific research fulfilled by the political scientists group of the VMU cluster "European public space: politics, communication, discourse" in 2012. Within the analyzed period of time 3 important scientific groups' projects were implemented and two of them were devoted to the analysis of Lithuania's national identity construction and the influencing factors. The genesis of 9 selected political initiatives (non-electoral campaigns) of 2006-2011 in Lithuania were also examined by making media monitoring in 5 main Lithuania's internet media portals. Furthermore, in 2012 four scientific dissertations were finalized and successfully defended. Therefore the scientific group of political science researchers of the cluster made an amount and enriching research and published over 15 scientific articles in 2012.
This scientific report overviews the most important results and achievements of the scientific research fulfilled by the political scientists group of the VMU cluster "European public space: politics, communication, discourse" in 2012. Within the analyzed period of time 3 important scientific groups' projects were implemented and two of them were devoted to the analysis of Lithuania's national identity construction and the influencing factors. The genesis of 9 selected political initiatives (non-electoral campaigns) of 2006-2011 in Lithuania were also examined by making media monitoring in 5 main Lithuania's internet media portals. Furthermore, in 2012 four scientific dissertations were finalized and successfully defended. Therefore the scientific group of political science researchers of the cluster made an amount and enriching research and published over 15 scientific articles in 2012.
This scientific report overviews the most important results and achievements of the scientific research fulfilled by the political scientists group of the VMU cluster "European public space: politics, communication, discourse" in 2012. Within the analyzed period of time 3 important scientific groups' projects were implemented and two of them were devoted to the analysis of Lithuania's national identity construction and the influencing factors. The genesis of 9 selected political initiatives (non-electoral campaigns) of 2006-2011 in Lithuania were also examined by making media monitoring in 5 main Lithuania's internet media portals. Furthermore, in 2012 four scientific dissertations were finalized and successfully defended. Therefore the scientific group of political science researchers of the cluster made an amount and enriching research and published over 15 scientific articles in 2012.
Based on social representations theory, the paper focuses on the communication of attitudes towards childless women in politics in one of the Internet news sites. One article case was selected, and a qualitative content analysis of comments (365) was conducted. The article and the content of comments were on childless women in politics. The predominant hegemonic social representation is most commonly reflected via an argument that childless women lack practical experience; therefore, they could not represent the interests of families with children. The chosen method allows expressing more radical and aggressive attitudes towards childless women roles. The polemic social representation opposes hegemonic attitudes through the arguments breaking the interlink between female procreation role and their role in the public sphere, also through the critique of double standards. Finally, emancipatory social representation undertakes the neutral position, emphasizing the freedom of choice. Thematic anchoring is the most common communicative mechanism in all three types of social representations.
Based on social representations theory, the paper focuses on the communication of attitudes towards childless women in politics in one of the Internet news sites. One article case was selected, and a qualitative content analysis of comments (365) was conducted. The article and the content of comments were on childless women in politics. The predominant hegemonic social representation is most commonly reflected via an argument that childless women lack practical experience; therefore, they could not represent the interests of families with children. The chosen method allows expressing more radical and aggressive attitudes towards childless women roles. The polemic social representation opposes hegemonic attitudes through the arguments breaking the interlink between female procreation role and their role in the public sphere, also through the critique of double standards. Finally, emancipatory social representation undertakes the neutral position, emphasizing the freedom of choice. Thematic anchoring is the most common communicative mechanism in all three types of social representations.
Based on social representations theory, the paper focuses on the communication of attitudes towards childless women in politics in one of the Internet news sites. One article case was selected, and a qualitative content analysis of comments (365) was conducted. The article and the content of comments were on childless women in politics. The predominant hegemonic social representation is most commonly reflected via an argument that childless women lack practical experience; therefore, they could not represent the interests of families with children. The chosen method allows expressing more radical and aggressive attitudes towards childless women roles. The polemic social representation opposes hegemonic attitudes through the arguments breaking the interlink between female procreation role and their role in the public sphere, also through the critique of double standards. Finally, emancipatory social representation undertakes the neutral position, emphasizing the freedom of choice. Thematic anchoring is the most common communicative mechanism in all three types of social representations.
Based on social representations theory, the paper focuses on the communication of attitudes towards childless women in politics in one of the Internet news sites. One article case was selected, and a qualitative content analysis of comments (365) was conducted. The article and the content of comments were on childless women in politics. The predominant hegemonic social representation is most commonly reflected via an argument that childless women lack practical experience; therefore, they could not represent the interests of families with children. The chosen method allows expressing more radical and aggressive attitudes towards childless women roles. The polemic social representation opposes hegemonic attitudes through the arguments breaking the interlink between female procreation role and their role in the public sphere, also through the critique of double standards. Finally, emancipatory social representation undertakes the neutral position, emphasizing the freedom of choice. Thematic anchoring is the most common communicative mechanism in all three types of social representations.
Election campaign is extremely significant part of political process, when politicians are trying to sell their 'product' at any price. They must attract support from the public and in order to achieve it, they can use different types of political communications. It is important to choose the right style, the one that could reach the biggest amount of aimed public and help to gain their support. Media identifies and judges the style of election campaign of candidate: how many/ few tools are being used; what sort of message is desired to be sent- negative/positive, relevant/irrelevant; how he/she communicates with public, a lot/ little, pleasantly or tries to avoid a contact. Object of the assay- D. Cameron and G. Brown general election campaign, subject- a formation of communication style of D. Cameron and G. Brown during the campaign. The aim of this work- to elucidate the features of communication style of D. Cameron and also G. Brown's election campaign. There are main two hypotheses that will be tested: H1: D. Cameron, the leader of opposition, is using a negative information against G. Brown and his government during his election campaign; H2: G. Brown as a prime minister is using a positive tactic and expects to win elections again. The investigation shows that Cameron election campaign has been established gradually, in order to create a modern image of the leader of party, but failed to distance from M. Thatcher and her established brand. Electoral campaign slogans have been carefully thought out and had associations and confirmations in the line of image of D. Cameron created Pre-election. The vast majority of the electoral campaign was negative, constantly criticising the ongoing policy of rival- and therefore showing why not to vote for Brown. So the analysis in this work confirms the first hypothesis. The analysis also concludes that the second hypothesis is denied. Election campaign of Brown was extremely negative. It mainly focused on idea that D. Cameron represents only the upper class- 'posh people' and his changes would be dangerous for Britain. Additionally, the campaign was aiming to show G. Brown not as faultless individual, but on the contrary as a fallible and human being who was able to admit his mistakes and also confess that he was not perfect, but he was an expert in economic matters, who made efficient decisions for Britain. The investigation found the pre-election situation was unfavourable to both the Conservative and Labour parties and their leaders. The reason was the parliamentary expenses scandal, which has further reduced public confidence in politicians.
Election campaign is extremely significant part of political process, when politicians are trying to sell their 'product' at any price. They must attract support from the public and in order to achieve it, they can use different types of political communications. It is important to choose the right style, the one that could reach the biggest amount of aimed public and help to gain their support. Media identifies and judges the style of election campaign of candidate: how many/ few tools are being used; what sort of message is desired to be sent- negative/positive, relevant/irrelevant; how he/she communicates with public, a lot/ little, pleasantly or tries to avoid a contact. Object of the assay- D. Cameron and G. Brown general election campaign, subject- a formation of communication style of D. Cameron and G. Brown during the campaign. The aim of this work- to elucidate the features of communication style of D. Cameron and also G. Brown's election campaign. There are main two hypotheses that will be tested: H1: D. Cameron, the leader of opposition, is using a negative information against G. Brown and his government during his election campaign; H2: G. Brown as a prime minister is using a positive tactic and expects to win elections again. The investigation shows that Cameron election campaign has been established gradually, in order to create a modern image of the leader of party, but failed to distance from M. Thatcher and her established brand. Electoral campaign slogans have been carefully thought out and had associations and confirmations in the line of image of D. Cameron created Pre-election. The vast majority of the electoral campaign was negative, constantly criticising the ongoing policy of rival- and therefore showing why not to vote for Brown. So the analysis in this work confirms the first hypothesis. The analysis also concludes that the second hypothesis is denied. Election campaign of Brown was extremely negative. It mainly focused on idea that D. Cameron represents only the upper class- 'posh people' and his changes would be dangerous for Britain. Additionally, the campaign was aiming to show G. Brown not as faultless individual, but on the contrary as a fallible and human being who was able to admit his mistakes and also confess that he was not perfect, but he was an expert in economic matters, who made efficient decisions for Britain. The investigation found the pre-election situation was unfavourable to both the Conservative and Labour parties and their leaders. The reason was the parliamentary expenses scandal, which has further reduced public confidence in politicians.
Election campaign is extremely significant part of political process, when politicians are trying to sell their 'product' at any price. They must attract support from the public and in order to achieve it, they can use different types of political communications. It is important to choose the right style, the one that could reach the biggest amount of aimed public and help to gain their support. Media identifies and judges the style of election campaign of candidate: how many/ few tools are being used; what sort of message is desired to be sent- negative/positive, relevant/irrelevant; how he/she communicates with public, a lot/ little, pleasantly or tries to avoid a contact. Object of the assay- D. Cameron and G. Brown general election campaign, subject- a formation of communication style of D. Cameron and G. Brown during the campaign. The aim of this work- to elucidate the features of communication style of D. Cameron and also G. Brown's election campaign. There are main two hypotheses that will be tested: H1: D. Cameron, the leader of opposition, is using a negative information against G. Brown and his government during his election campaign; H2: G. Brown as a prime minister is using a positive tactic and expects to win elections again. The investigation shows that Cameron election campaign has been established gradually, in order to create a modern image of the leader of party, but failed to distance from M. Thatcher and her established brand. Electoral campaign slogans have been carefully thought out and had associations and confirmations in the line of image of D. Cameron created Pre-election. The vast majority of the electoral campaign was negative, constantly criticising the ongoing policy of rival- and therefore showing why not to vote for Brown. So the analysis in this work confirms the first hypothesis. The analysis also concludes that the second hypothesis is denied. Election campaign of Brown was extremely negative. It mainly focused on idea that D. Cameron represents only the upper class- 'posh people' and his changes would be dangerous for Britain. Additionally, the campaign was aiming to show G. Brown not as faultless individual, but on the contrary as a fallible and human being who was able to admit his mistakes and also confess that he was not perfect, but he was an expert in economic matters, who made efficient decisions for Britain. The investigation found the pre-election situation was unfavourable to both the Conservative and Labour parties and their leaders. The reason was the parliamentary expenses scandal, which has further reduced public confidence in politicians.
Decisions in public policy are not an end in themselves: in general, they are intended to regulate society, i.e. members of society are submitted with particular rights, obligations, possibilities, restrictions, etc. However, in order to know which decisions will reach their addressees best and will allow attaining the result sought, it is necessary for policy makers to know how the society and particular addressees are ready to accept them. Especially this is acute in the field of family policy: here, the decision on family policy instruments is important and may be effective only when it is accepted by families/individuals (especially speaking about instruments aimed at increase of fertility). The article is based on a presumption that communication between policy makers and the society is of a great importance seeking for a purposive public policy. The article is composed of two main parts. The first part presents theoretical background for analysis of communication between decision makers and society in the field of family policy. First, it develops the main characteristics of communication models between policy makers and society in general; highlights possible role of media in different models of the mentioned communication, and, finally, it lists peculiarities in connection with a particular topic of political communication, i.e. communication on the issues of family policy. The second part seeks to disclose the nature and main characteristics of communication between politics and society on the family policy issues in Lithuania. To this end, the article presents a media content analysis covering almost 1000 publication in the most popular internet news website in Lithuania on two issues directly related to family policy: economic and social situation of families with 3 and more children and economic and social guarantees for families with children.[.]
Decisions in public policy are not an end in themselves: in general, they are intended to regulate society, i.e. members of society are submitted with particular rights, obligations, possibilities, restrictions, etc. However, in order to know which decisions will reach their addressees best and will allow attaining the result sought, it is necessary for policy makers to know how the society and particular addressees are ready to accept them. Especially this is acute in the field of family policy: here, the decision on family policy instruments is important and may be effective only when it is accepted by families/individuals (especially speaking about instruments aimed at increase of fertility). The article is based on a presumption that communication between policy makers and the society is of a great importance seeking for a purposive public policy. The article is composed of two main parts. The first part presents theoretical background for analysis of communication between decision makers and society in the field of family policy. First, it develops the main characteristics of communication models between policy makers and society in general; highlights possible role of media in different models of the mentioned communication, and, finally, it lists peculiarities in connection with a particular topic of political communication, i.e. communication on the issues of family policy. The second part seeks to disclose the nature and main characteristics of communication between politics and society on the family policy issues in Lithuania. To this end, the article presents a media content analysis covering almost 1000 publication in the most popular internet news website in Lithuania on two issues directly related to family policy: economic and social situation of families with 3 and more children and economic and social guarantees for families with children.[.]
Decisions in public policy are not an end in themselves: in general, they are intended to regulate society, i.e. members of society are submitted with particular rights, obligations, possibilities, restrictions, etc. However, in order to know which decisions will reach their addressees best and will allow attaining the result sought, it is necessary for policy makers to know how the society and particular addressees are ready to accept them. Especially this is acute in the field of family policy: here, the decision on family policy instruments is important and may be effective only when it is accepted by families/individuals (especially speaking about instruments aimed at increase of fertility). The article is based on a presumption that communication between policy makers and the society is of a great importance seeking for a purposive public policy. The article is composed of two main parts. The first part presents theoretical background for analysis of communication between decision makers and society in the field of family policy. First, it develops the main characteristics of communication models between policy makers and society in general; highlights possible role of media in different models of the mentioned communication, and, finally, it lists peculiarities in connection with a particular topic of political communication, i.e. communication on the issues of family policy. The second part seeks to disclose the nature and main characteristics of communication between politics and society on the family policy issues in Lithuania. To this end, the article presents a media content analysis covering almost 1000 publication in the most popular internet news website in Lithuania on two issues directly related to family policy: economic and social situation of families with 3 and more children and economic and social guarantees for families with children.[.]
Decisions in public policy are not an end in themselves: in general, they are intended to regulate society, i.e. members of society are submitted with particular rights, obligations, possibilities, restrictions, etc. However, in order to know which decisions will reach their addressees best and will allow attaining the result sought, it is necessary for policy makers to know how the society and particular addressees are ready to accept them. Especially this is acute in the field of family policy: here, the decision on family policy instruments is important and may be effective only when it is accepted by families/individuals (especially speaking about instruments aimed at increase of fertility). The article is based on a presumption that communication between policy makers and the society is of a great importance seeking for a purposive public policy. The article is composed of two main parts. The first part presents theoretical background for analysis of communication between decision makers and society in the field of family policy. First, it develops the main characteristics of communication models between policy makers and society in general; highlights possible role of media in different models of the mentioned communication, and, finally, it lists peculiarities in connection with a particular topic of political communication, i.e. communication on the issues of family policy. The second part seeks to disclose the nature and main characteristics of communication between politics and society on the family policy issues in Lithuania. To this end, the article presents a media content analysis covering almost 1000 publication in the most popular internet news website in Lithuania on two issues directly related to family policy: economic and social situation of families with 3 and more children and economic and social guarantees for families with children.[.]
Decisions in public policy are not an end in themselves: in general, they are intended to regulate society, i.e. members of society are submitted with particular rights, obligations, possibilities, restrictions, etc. However, in order to know which decisions will reach their addressees best and will allow attaining the result sought, it is necessary for policy makers to know how the society and particular addressees are ready to accept them. Especially this is acute in the field of family policy: here, the decision on family policy instruments is important and may be effective only when it is accepted by families/individuals (especially speaking about instruments aimed at increase of fertility). The article is based on a presumption that communication between policy makers and the society is of a great importance seeking for a purposive public policy. The article is composed of two main parts. The first part presents theoretical background for analysis of communication between decision makers and society in the field of family policy. First, it develops the main characteristics of communication models between policy makers and society in general; highlights possible role of media in different models of the mentioned communication, and, finally, it lists peculiarities in connection with a particular topic of political communication, i.e. communication on the issues of family policy. The second part seeks to disclose the nature and main characteristics of communication between politics and society on the family policy issues in Lithuania. To this end, the article presents a media content analysis covering almost 1000 publication in the most popular internet news website in Lithuania on two issues directly related to family policy: economic and social situation of families with 3 and more children and economic and social guarantees for families with children.[.]
