Strategie komunikowania politycznego
In: Prace naukowe Uniwersytetu Ślaskiego w Katowicach 2526
In: Nauki Polityczne
In: Prace naukowe Uniwersytetu Ślaskiego w Katowicach 2526
In: Nauki Polityczne
In: Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis 2744
In: [Komunikowanie i media] [8]
In: Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis 2594
In: [Komunikowanie i media] [6]
In: Je̜zyk, kultura, społeczeństwo
The transformation of the political communication models in Venezuela and other Latin American states is related to the evolving political culture in this region, together with a bold use of media communication approached both as a means and a goal. Video-politics, defined as a process of the mediatization of the constructs of political reality, is becoming a key notion for the citizens and voters there. Using the public means of social communication Hugo Chávez has made the Aló, Presidente show an arena of political decision-making and a space focused on political personalism. An analysis of selected elements of the show provides detailed information on the rhetorical tools and other mechanisms of exerting influence applied by Hugo Chávez. On a macro-scale the media strategies applied in the show turn out to be instruments of consolidating the image of executive power in Venezuela. ; The transformation of the political communication models in Venezuela and other Latin American states is related to the evolving political culture in this region, together with a bold use of media communication approached both as a means and a goal. Video-politics, defined as a process of the mediatization of the constructs of political reality, is becoming a key notion for the citizens and voters there. Using the public means of social communication Hugo Chávez has made the Aló, Presidente show an arena of political decision-making and a space focused on political personalism. An analysis of selected elements of the show provides detailed information on the rhetorical tools and other mechanisms of exerting influence applied by Hugo Chávez. On a macro-scale the media strategies applied in the show turn out to be instruments of consolidating the image of executive power in Venezuela.
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The transformation of the political communication models in Venezuela and other Latin American states is related to the evolving political culture in this region, together with a bold use of media communication approached both as a means and a goal. Video-politics, defined as a process of the mediatization of the constructs of political reality, is becoming a key notion for the citizens and voters there. Using the public means of social communication Hugo Chávez has made the Aló, Presidente show an arena of political decision-making and a space focused on political personalism. An analysis of selected elements of the show provides detailed information on the rhetorical tools and other mechanisms of exerting influence applied by Hugo Chávez. On a macro-scale the media strategies applied in the show turn out to be instruments of consolidating the image of executive power in Venezuela.
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The main determinant of the development of the contemporary political communication constitutes the attempt to impart a rational dimension to the actions of communication in compliance with Weber's understanding of the term. M. Weber claimed that rationism is a direct reflection of (a) the ability to determine such aims which are optimal and adequate to one's own resources within a given situational context, as well as the possibility to calculate the consequences of the actions undertaken (rational actions on account of the aim) and/or (b) orientation of actions around a given value system (rational actions on account of the values). In this view, a direction of the development of the contemporary conception of political communication reflects the evolutionary transformation of the relations between an axiological and instrumental-functional approach to the process of creating, planning, and executing communication strategies. Four stages in the development of the conception of communicative actions strategically ordered can be distinguished: — stage I: domination of communicative actions oriented around the political system of values preferable by the sender of the information (the stage of a traditional political propaganda; the chief aim of communicative influences — social integration/persuasion), — stage II: a relative balance of actions oriented around preferable political values and pragmatic aims (the stage of institutionalised political propaganda; the chief aim of communicative influences — persuasion/integration/political activation), — stage III: domination of pragmatic aims parallel with political values preferable by the sender of the information (the stage of early communication campaigns market-oriented; the chief aim of communicative influences — persuasion/political activation), — stage IV: correlation of pragmatic aims and instrumental values (the stage of a developed political marketing communication; the chief aim of communicative influences — political motivation, with the main emphasis on the election activation). An increasing popularity of the marketing methods of organization and conducting political campaigns should be treated as a subsequent stage of the search for the efficient formula of political communication, the stage whose main determinants are the following: — organizational transformation of traditional political subjects (political parties, electional organizations of candidates), — gradual professionalization of politics, in two perspectives: professionalization of political parties evident in the increase of the role of professional politics in making important organizational decisions, as well as the appearance of new actors on the political stage, political consultants, taking over the position of a central decisive centre in political organizations, with responsibility for preparation and implementation of the political communication strategy, — mediatisation of political communication — means of mass communication have become the main transmission channel of political information on the one hand, and, on the other hand, a kind of creator of the political reality, shaping the image of the political market, particular political subjects, or the course of political rivalry by active selection and exposure of given information according to the commercial and/or political interests of the media transmitters, — change of the system of factors determining political behaviours (electional behaviours in particular) of citizens — what becomes especially important in this context is a progressing decrease of the level of political identification leading to the increase of the number of citizens slightly engaged in the political enterprise, possessing relatively low competences of receiving and understanding transmitted political information, as well as basic problems with taking a given political decision. The complexity of the market conditions makes the subjects of political rivalry choose and develop communication marketing strategies. Such a way of organizing and realising political communicative campaigns — in accordance with the four basic criteria: efficiency, predictability, calculationism, and the use of advanced technology — may be treated as an optimal variant of a strategic adjustment of the contemporary organizations to diversified requirements of the political environment.
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What we are witnessing now, not only in Great Britain, is that citizens are less and less interested in participation in politics. We see a crisis of representative democracy. One of the means used to fight those negative trends is the use of Information and Communication Technology. It not only enables citizens to gain a wide access to public information but also empowers them to take part in decision making. The article was written with the aim to analyze the political agenda of successive British governments pertaining to the use of the Internet in building more effective local government communication channels in English local authorities. The analyses of documents and secondary sources were conducted. Special attention was devoted to the introduction and development of electronic petition systems on the local level, as e-petitions are one of the most popular e-democracy mechanisms in Great Britain. Their use has also been laid down in law.
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The main goal of this study is the verification of a hypothesis/idea of centralized personalization during Polish electoral campaigns. Because of its goal and implemented methodology, such research project is unique among research presented in scientific literature thus far. The work has a descriptive character; it is congruent with treatments from the field of political communication, combining approaches of communicology and political science, in that it expresses an attempt to include in the analysis the circumstances of election campaign personalization and factors specific to mediacentric and political -scientific perspectives, as well as because of the fact of recognizing media content in political party communication. Election communication research includes six Polish parliamentary elections from the years 1993—2001. Along with an analysis of communiqué contents, published in information media, as well as communiqué prepared by political subjects contending in the elections, basic analysis methods within the study are historical-comparative and statistical data analyses. The specific objectives of the treatment are: — Description of circumstances of the political communication personalization thesis on the level of mediatization of politics and political campaign professionalization theories; — Analysis of the trend occurrence and characteristics of the electoral campaign personalization trend based on empirical research conducted in western-European parliamentary democracies; — Recognition of conditions of electoral campaign personalization in parliamentary elections in Poland; — Analysis of the trend occurrence and characteristics of media personalization in Polish electoral campaigns based on opinion-forming press research; — Analysis of the trend occurrence and characteristics of strategic personalization in Polish electoral campaigns based on political TV advertisement research.
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This article focuses studying of examples of linguistic creativity in political discourse on Twitter, as well as showing the purpose of using linguistic tricks. Subject of analysis covers Twitter posts of two German, two American and two Polish politicians during election. Purpose of this collation is to show differences between creative role of tweets of people that are actively participating in political life in Poland, Germany and USA. ; Artykuł poświęcony jest zbadaniu wszelkich przejawów kreatywności językowej występującej w dyskursie politycznym na Twitterze oraz wskazaniu funkcji stosowanych zabiegów. Przedmiotem analizy są posty polityków polskich, niemieckich i amerykańskich publikowane na Twitterze w okresie kampanii wyborczych. Celem przedstawionego w artykule zestawienia jest wykazanie różnic, jakie występują między kreatywną rolą tweetów osób czynnie angażujących się w politykę w Polsce, Niemczech i USA.
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