Horror Films Face Political Evils in Everyday Life
In: Political communication: an international journal, Band 22, Heft 3, S. 381-386
ISSN: 1091-7675
In: Political communication: an international journal, Band 22, Heft 3, S. 381-386
ISSN: 1091-7675
"This book critically assess how ICTs are finding their way into the world of social movements, considering overarching issues and providing examples of cyberprotest movements from across the globe. It will be valuable reading for students and academics in politics, media and communication, public administration, sociology and ICT. It will also be of great interest to policy makers and social activists."--Jacket
In: Issues in environmental politics
List of tables and figures; Preface; Acronyms and abbreviations; 1 Introduction; 2 Analytical framework; 3 The climate strategies of the oil industry; 4 The Corporate Actor model; 5 The Domestic Politics model; 6 The International Regime model; 7 Concluding remarks; Appendix: personal communication; References; Index.
This book provides the first attempt to synthesise what is a pervasive phenomenon, and one that is mentioned tangentially in many political analyses, but nowhere receives the systematic and theoretical treatment that its significance to the working of 'democratic' political practice deserves. It will thus be a volume that should interest a range of scholars in government and political theory, in comparative politics and communications
Work is executed on the department of international information of the Volhynia national university of the name of Lesya Ukrainian ; Displaying the status of implementation of the principles of e-participation in Ukraine in the context of current trends and approaches in european open democracy, associated with the expansion of opportunities for information access and realizing the potential of information and communication technologies in politics.
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In: Cultural studies - critical methodologies, Band 7, Heft 4, S. 460-483
ISSN: 1552-356X
This essay is a critical, reflexive engagement with the practice, politics and pedagogy of a student centered media literacy project titled `thinking television.` Written as a theoretical diagnostic, the essay examines the project's value-providing a new vocabulary for democratic communication-and drawbacks, the restrictive nature of narrative possibilities around race in the student projects.
In: American political science review, Band 70, Heft 2, S. 393-408
ISSN: 0003-0554
USING AN EXCHANGE MODEL, THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES TWO ETHNIC GROUPS, MOBILIZED AND PROLETARIAN DIASPORAS, IN A BROAD RANGE OF MODERNIZING POLITICS. THE SALIENT DIMENSIONS OF MYTH, COMMUNICATIONS, AND ROLE DIFFERENTIATION PERMIT ONE TO DISTINGUISH THESE GROUPS ANALYILCALLY OVER A LONG TIME PERIOD AND TO SUBDIVIDE THE MOBILIZED DIASPORAS INTO ARCHETYPAL AND SITUATIONAL.
In: Palgrave Global Media Policy and Business
In: Springer eBook Collection
In: Literature, Cultural and Media Studies
Social media is said to radically change the way in which public communication takes place: information diffuses faster and can reach a large number of people, but what makes the process so novel is that online networks can empower people to compete with traditional broadcasters or public figures. This book critically interrogates the contemporary relevance of social networks as a set of economic, cultural and political enterprises and as a public sphere in which a variety of political and socio-cultural demands can be met. It examines policy, regulatory and socio-cultural issues arising from the transformation of communication to a multi-layered sphere of online and social networks. The central theme of the book is to address the following questions: Are online and social networks an unstoppable democratizing and mobilizing force? Is there a need for policy and intervention to ensure the development of comprehensive and inclusive social networking frameworks? Social media are viewed both as a tool that allows citizens to influence policymaking, and as an object of new policies and regulations, such as data retention, privacy and copyright laws, around which citizens are mobilising. Petros Iosifidis is Professor in Media Policy at City University London. He is author of six books and numerous articles in refereed journals. He is Editor of theInternational Journal of Digital Television and Co-Editor of the Palgrave Global Media Policy and Business Book Series. Mark Wheeler is Professor of Political Communications at London Metropolitan University. He is the author four books including Politics and the Mass Media(Blackwell, 1997), European Television Industries (British FiIm Institute, 2005) (with Petros Iosifidis and Jeanette Steemers), Hollywood: Politics and Society(British Film Institute, 2006) and Celebrity Politics (Polity, 2013). He has contributed to numerous peer reviewed articles to academic journals and has written many chapters in collected editions
This is an extended 'author's cut' of a chapter that was first published as Gary Hall 'Postdigital Politics', in Cornelia Sollfrank, Shuhsa Niederberger and Felix Stalder, eds, Aesthetics of the Commons (Zurich-Berlin: Diaphanes, 2021) https://www.diaphanes.net/titel/postdigital-politics-6925 --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- In 'Postdigital Politics' I examine our contemporary postdigital political conjuncture. This conjuncture, I argue, springs from the crisis of representative democracy we are currently experiencing and involves a shift to more direct forms of democracy via postdigital communications. The latter is evident in the decentralised manner in which movements such as the Extinction Rebellion and Black Lives Matter operate. I analyse how the traditional political opposition between 'left' and 'right' has been overlaid in many places around the world by that between populist nativism and elitist internationalism. I also discuss the way in which populist right-wing politicians (e.g., Boris Johnson, Donald Trump, Jair Bolsonaro) have used the possibilities created by postdigital media technologies to create a new model of political communications, one that is capable of overcoming the apparent disconnect between professional politicians and 'the people'. By way of response, I offer some suggestions as to how those of us who position ourselves on the left of the political spectrum can resist this political takeover by the populist authoritarian right. In other words, I show how the new postdigital communications can be used for more progressive purposes that are attuned to today's changed political landscape. Among the illustrative examples provided will be some of the grassroots, bottom-up projects for the production of free resources, technical infrastructures and the commons that myself and some of those I collaborate with have developed over the last twenty years. Those projects include, but are not limited to: the open access journal Culture Machine ...
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This is an extended 'author's cut' of a chapter that was first published as Gary Hall 'Postdigital Politics', in Cornelia Sollfrank, Shuhsa Niederberger and Felix Stalder, eds, Aesthetics of the Commons (Zurich-Berlin: Diaphanes, 2021) https://www.diaphanes.net/titel/postdigital-politics-6925 --- In 'Postdigital Politics' I examine our contemporary postdigital political conjuncture. This conjuncture, I argue, springs from the crisis of representative democracy we are currently experiencing and involves a shift to more direct forms of democracy via postdigital communications. The latter is evident in the decentralised manner in which movements such as the Extinction Rebellion and Black Lives Matter operate. I analyse how the traditional political opposition between 'left' and 'right' has been overlaid in many places around the world by that between populist nativism and elitist internationalism. I also discuss the way in which populist right-wing politicians (e.g., Boris Johnson, Donald Trump, Jair Bolsonaro) have used the possibilities created by postdigital media technologies to create a new model of political communications, one that is capable of overcoming the apparent disconnect between professional politicians and 'the people'. By way of response, I offer some suggestions as to how those of us who position ourselves on the left of the political spectrum can resist this political takeover by the populist authoritarian right. In other words, I show how the new postdigital communications can be used for more progressive purposes that are attuned to today's changed political landscape. Among the illustrative examples provided will be some of the grassroots, bottom-up projects for the production of free resources, technical infrastructures and the commons that myself and some of those I collaborate with have developed over the last twenty years. Those projects include, but are not limited to: the open access journal Culture Machine (http://culturemachine.net); the publishing house Open Humanities Press ...
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The goal of my thesis is to analyze Donald Trump's use of language, with specific reference to two press conferences, two formal addresses, and several tweets. For the purpose of my thesis, I will draw from the works of four major scholars: Daniel Kahneman, George Lakoff, Michael Hoey, and Drew Western. My thesis will be structured as follows: in chapter 1 I will describe the way our cognitive system is divided and the shortcuts our brain uses throughout the decision process. I will then investigate the role of frames and metaphors, both in general and in politics. Finally, I will shed light on the patterns that our minds follow every time our rational self collides with our instinctive/emotional self. In chapter 2, I will focus on communication and media effects. Starting from a brief story of media and its role in the political scenario, I will then describe various basic theories of communication. Finally I will focus on the core of the effects of modern political communication, namely agenda setting, priming, and framing. In chapter 3 I will investigate persuasion and politics, as well as persuasion in politics. Drawing upon the work of Luntz, Heath & Heath, Berger, and Cialdini, I will focus on the main recurring features that make a speech persuasive. These features will be divided into two groups: those related to the message itself, and those affecting the speaker and his role. In chapter 4 I will use the features described in chapter 3 to carry out an analysis of Trump's language in two joint press conferences (one with Justin Trudeau and one with Angela Merkel), two formal speeches (the Inauguration Speech and the Speech before the 72nd United Nations General Assembly), and several tweets related to these four communicative events. In chapter 5 I will first summarize my investigation, and then discuss the results I obtained. In conclusion, I will outline possible work for future investigations.
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In: Innovations in international affairs
Megatrends of World Politics identifies globalization, integration, and democratization as three key trends shaping the future of world politics and international relations, and demonstrates their effects in today's global processes.The authors of this book discuss the essence of these three megatrends of world politics, describing their dynamic and non-linear development, and exploring how they manifest themselves. Assessing megatrends of world politics makes it possible to predict further global political development. The authors proceed from several assumptions: (1) megatrends are global - they operate everywhere around the globe, although with different intensity and in diverse forms; (2) they influence and sometimes generate a variety of other trends in today's world politics; and (3) megatrends are political. The three megatrends - globalization, integration, and democratization - are identified and justified based on these three parameters, then the authors analyze the influence and manifestation of megatrends in various spheres of world politics, including terrorism, transregionalism, communication technologies, migration, pandemics, and subnational regions.
Games are increasingly proposed as an innovative way to convey scientific insights on the climateeconomic system to students, non-experts and the wider public. Yet, it is not clear if games can meet such expectations. We present quantitative evidence on the effectiveness of a simulation game for communicating and teaching international climate politics. We use a sample of over two hundred students from Germany playing the simulation game KEEP COOL. We combine pre- and postgame surveys on climate politics with data on individual in-game decisions. Our key findings are that gaming increases the sense of personal responsibility, the confidence in politics for climate change mitigation, and makes more optimistic about international cooperation in climate politics. Furthermore, players that chose to defect in the game become more optimistic about international cooperation but less confident about politics. We conclude that simulation games can facilitate experiential learning about the difficulties of international climate politics and thereby complement both conventional communication and teaching methods.
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In: East Asian Popular Culture
This book examines gamer culture, expressions of gender and class, and issues of colonialism and transnationalism in digital games in East Asia. Focusing on examinations of how video games and the universes they offer create complex hierarchies and unique, subversive interventions in East Asia, Lee and Pulos' volume critically examines how video games can shape cultural contexts and simultaneously react to the cultures that consume them. Contributions range from assessments the culture of game developer groups to representations of ethnicity in characters, with special attention paid to the glocalization of culture, including cultural adoption and adaption
This book sheds light on the future of the European Union in a critical context marked by what appears to be a "never-ending" crisis of leadership and legitimacy. Will anti-European views and their corollary, such as Euro-populism, Euro-denial, and Euro-cynicisms along with all types of nationalisms, crush or further consolidate the European project? The volume offers detailed analyses of various dimensions of Euroscepticism in the context of the greatest economic crisis in the history of the EU. Divided into four sections, the first brings together general theoretical and empirical perspectiv