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This article responds to a growing tide of critique targeting select new materialist and object-oriented approaches in archaeology. Here we take a stand against this critical discourse not so much to counter actual and legitimate differences in how we conceive of archaeology and its role, but to target the exaggerations, excesses, and errors by which it increasingly is articulated and which restrict communication to the impoverishment of the field as whole. While also embracing an opportunity to clarify matters of politics and archaeological theory in light of object-oriented approaches and the material turn at large, we address a number of concerns raised by this critical discourse, which are, we contend, of relevance to all archaeologists: 1) the importance of ontology; 2) working with theory; 3) politics as first philosophy; 4) the concept of the subaltern; 5) binaries and the rhetorical desire for an enemy; and 6) the matter of misrepresentation.

This article summarizes the author's observations and preliminary research findings about the politics of fake news and rumors during the 2019 Anti-Extradition Bill movement in Hong Kong. The fake news phenomenon is understood as grounded in the social-psychological needs of people in times of uncertainty, a political culture marked by polarization and normative disinhibition, and a mediascape that facilitates the fragmentation and privatization of public communication. The 2019 Hong Kong movement shows that, in the context of contentious politics, fake news and rumors can be used by political power to delegitimize a protest movement, but they can also be used by a protest movement to pressurize the political power and to sustain itself. It is argued that the roles, consequences, and normative desirability of fake news and rumors need to be examined in terms of how they are embedded in the power relationships and interactional dynamics of the movement concerned.

This article discusses a possible revision of the interpretative schema that was proposed in the book Comparing Media Systems: Three Models of Media and Politics, published in 2004 before the dramatic development of digital communication. In particular, the article focuses on the idea of the media system and its possible use in the digital age. Digitalization seems to foster a process of deinstitutionalization that undermines the role of institutions such as the state, political parties, and news outlet organizations that, in the era of legacy media, were affecting the feature of the media system and therefore represented important subjects of investigation and comparison as to the schema proposed in the book. Digitalization transfers, both in the field of news media and in politics, a number of functions that were played by these institutions to single, dispersed actors; today, the observation of these actors and their actions appears more complex also because of their volatility.

The growing importance of social media in the political arena seems to be in line with the mediatization of politics thesis, which states that mediated communication is becoming more important in politics and increasingly influences political processes. However, how politicians' social media activities and politicians' perceptions concerning social media have developed over time has rarely been examined. Moreover, it is unclear how the politicians' activities and perceptions are related to each other. Referring to theoretical approaches, such as the influence of presumed influence approach, four surveys were conducted among German parliamentarians (MPs) between 2012 and 2016 (n = 194/149/170/118). The results indicate that the MPs' self-reported social media activities and perceptions have remained remarkably constant since 2012. Regression analyses indicate that MPs' self-reported social media activities and perceptions are hardly related to each other. This raises the question whether mediatization processes are indeed driven by politicians' perceptions about media influences.

Although Jacques Rancière and Jürgen Habermas share several important commitments, they interpret various core concepts differently, viewing politics, democracy, communication, and disagreement in conflicting ways. Rancière articulates his democratic vision in opposition to important elements of Habermas's approach. Critics contend that Habermas cannot account for the dynamics of command, exclusion, resistance, and aesthetic transformation involved in Rancière's understanding of politics. In particular, the prominent roles Habermas affords to communicative rationality and consensus have led people to think that he cannot grasp the radical forms of political disagreement Rancière describes. While some have viewed Rancière as offering a trenchant challenge to Habermas, I will contend that Rancière's critique is less compelling than some have thought. Habermasian understandings of third personal speech and aesthetic expression are nuanced and adaptable enough to evade Rancière's criticisms. I conclude by suggesting that Habermasian theorists have also developed crucial forms of social and political critique that Rancière's theory systematically excludes.

Research shows a clear intersection between humor and political communication online as "big data" analyses demonstrate humorous content achieving disproportionate attention across social media platforms. What remains unclear is the degree to which politics are fodder for "silly" content production vis-à-vis humor as a serious political tool. To answer this question, we scraped Twitter data from two cases in which humor and politics converged during the 2016 US presidential election: Hillary Clinton referring to Trump supporters as a "basket of deplorables" and Donald Trump calling Hillary Clinton a "nasty woman" during a televised debate. Taking a "small data" approach, we find funny content enacting meaningful political work including expressions of opposition, political identification, and displays of civic support. Furthermore, comparing humor style between partisan cases shows the partial-but incomplete-breakdown of humor's notoriously firm boundaries. Partisan patterns reveal that the meeting of humor and social media leave neither unchanged.

The mediatisation of politics has been a dominant theory in the field of political communication for some time, proposing that the mass media in democratic societies tend to dominate the political process. This research intends to explore the media-politics nexus as part of the protest campaign in 2014 in Pakistan, also known as the long march. Specifically, it analyses dynamics of the political rhetoric of protesting leaders and dimensions of the two selected TV talk shows. Using textual analysis as research methodology, this article concludes that by transforming the political theatre into a media theatre, the talk shows effectively mediatised the long march. TV news became part of the political process, rather than covering it objectively, either by supporting or opposing the long march. The two top political leaders of the long march voluntarily adopted media logic as a rhetorical strategy to offer a readymade product for media coverage.

AbstractCreative activism and urban art are increasingly being used as an instrument to collectively re‐appropriate the urban space and thus articulate urban belonging and citizenship from below. In cities worldwide, where different politics of place stimulate capitalist appropriation, individuals and groups use the public space as a laboratory for resistance, creative act, and as a medium for communication. As such, creative activism is a strategy for those who are widely excluded from social, political, cultural, and economic participation. Collectives are built through joint actions and experiences that are translated into the production situated forms of urban belonging. By drawing on space sensitive and situationist approaches and the power of creativity as an important moment in the analysis of action, the paper provides examples of how collective action and belonging is produced under conditions of contentious politics and exclusion that go beyond social norms, the social containment of institutions, and imposed collective identities.

Critics claim that journalists spread a cynical view of politics, as their relation with politicians is characterized by mistrust and hyper-adversarialism. To gain an insight into how cynical journalists themselves are about politics and how this can be explained, this article investigates the role relationship between politicians and journalists in four European countries with different political communication systems. The empirical basis for the study is a survey of over 400 political reporters from the UK, Denmark, Germany and Spain. Compared to their colleagues in Northern Europe, Spanish journalists have the most cynical view of politicians, which can partly be explained by feelings of political pressure. Journalists are cynical when they have a negative view of the role of spin doctors and believe that politicians use the media as a podium where they can be in the spotlight. The possible influence of journalists' political attitudes on news content is discussed.

Major transformations in the global political economy have ushered in what is commonly thought of as an information and communication technology-led revolution. While a great deal has been written about some aspects of this "global shift"--the so-called borderless world or intimations of a "new economy"--much less attention has been paid to its significance for politics and policymaking. This paper looks at the relationship between ICT and politics through an examination of the concept and practices associated with e-governance, taken to be integral to the re-shaping of relations between the state, the market and society. The discussion does not assume either the feasibility or desirability of e-governance. Rather it interrogates the governance model itself, and what this signifies for state capacity, through an empirical assessment of e-governance in the Philippines. The concluding argument suggests that there exist outstanding institutional and technological challenges that have yet to be addressed in any systematic way.

Persuasion of TV News.
Jacques Gerstlé [81-96].
The knowledge of TV news in France shows a shortage of studies which is even more striking for political rather than semiological or ecological approaches. Structural transformations and changes of practices observed in the audience allow to give TV news a growing influence whereas politics is on the decline in both political and electoral broadcoasts. News persuasive mechanics which are at work through agenda, framing and priming effects are based on accessibility bias. By guiding public attention, TV news works on the way the public thinks about politics, forms considerations and enforces some criteria of political assessment. Thus, Edouard Balladur presidentiality in 1995 broke up whereas Francois Mitterrand presidentiality strengthened in 1988 under priming and discriminating framing effects. Moreover, Jean-Marie Le Pen electoral performances rest on the priming effect in 1988 which is misssing in 1995 : the candidate campaign thus making the only communication resource contributing to his score.

This article comprises two parts. In the first one, a traditional psychological approach to the study of international relations is discussed. One way of looking at international politics is to focus attention on individuals, primarily the decision-makers. Concepts such as "Belief systems", "Images", "Perceptions" and "Deceptions" thus constitute the clues to the theoretical framework of this approach. In the second part, the increasing influence of mass communication in international relations and in image- making is dealt with. The physics of power is declining and consequently the psychology of power is rising. Power politics is under a process of transformation. A small and neutral country like Finland is especially sensitive to image policy problems, because image policy is more crucial for a state whose international position is not a historically institutionalized part of the system. It is time to take a more conscious attitude to the innately interdisciplinary nature of the study of international relations.

20 p. ; El presente trabajo es un avance investigativo enmarcado en un proyecto de tesis de grado sobre la trayectoria política e intelectual del periodista cordobés Miguel Ángel Piccato (1956-1982). El objetivo principal de dicho proyecto es analizar la trayectoria de Piccato, teniendo en cuenta las condiciones sociohistóricas nacionales, continentales e internacionales en las que desarrolló sus actividades en diversos medios gráficos de comunicación. En este caso específico, nos interesa indagar en un periodo de la que consideramos su etapa de consolidación política e intelectual (1962-1971), para lo cual trabajaremos en torno a su desempeño como fundador, director y editorialista de la revista Jerónimo, publicación político-cultural quincenal editada entre noviembre de 1968 y agosto de 1971 en la ciudad de Córdoba. Se busca problematizar su actividad en una época atravesada por la conflictividad política, social y económica a nivel nacional y al calor del Cordobazo. El objetivo general es analizar a Piccato en su rol de impulsor de un proyecto editorial y determinar su posicionamiento político e intelectual, mientras que en lo específico se busca caracterizar a la revista Jerónimo para identificar y analizar las intervenciones de Piccato. Considerando el cruce interdisciplinario entre historia intelectual y la comunicación a través de los medios gráficos, abordaremos al objeto de estudio desde un marco conceptual que tenga en cuenta la lógica cronológica de los acontecimientos ocurridos en lugar y tiempo determinados. El corpus está compuesto por una serie de editoriales y columnas de opinión, aparecidas en Jerónimo entre diciembre de 1968 y diciembre de 1970. Se utilizarán, en menor medida, fuentes orales y avances investigativos previos. Este trabajo pretende lograr un acercamiento al desempeño de Piccato dentro de una publicación que lo impulsó a su consagración como referente de su espacio de pertenencia y resignificó su modo de aprehender la práctica política e intelectual.-

Politicians from the Western Balkan region are seeing the advantages of the Internet more and more for their presentation and overall success in politics, especially the usage of social networks. We researched the participation of political parties in the House of Peoples of BiH (in the mandates 2014-2018 and 2018-2022) and the number of seats won by parties along with popularity on social networks - Facebook as a representative example of online / virtual presentation of each political party. Research has shown inconsistencies with the popularity of political parties "online" with their actual success - winning a certain amount of delegates in the state parliament. Overall, when it comes to traditional, larger parties that voters choose the most (such as SDA, SNSD, and partially HDZ / 2014-2018 and 2018-2022), virtual and actual results are approximate, while "a huge gap between two worlds" applies for the rest. Political parties that are most represented on the Internet, are actually least represented in the Parliament. At the same time, lousy Internet results for a few parties are resulting in "big cake" in the House of Peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina.When politicians address voters through a TV spot, their marketing teams cannot choose exactly when they want to consume content. The Internet, and especially social networks, have the opportunity that today is the "alpha and omega" of all promotional actions.However, these new opportunities for domestic politics are closed! Why? Because domestic politicians have not yet understood / accepted the new fact that they can not only broadcast but also need to make their products available to recipients.In BiH, there's currently only "political communication using the Internet" topic rather than "networked political communication" one. Interactive possibilities of the Internet have been limited to the ones of old mass media, which have been distancing the individual from the public sphere over the decades, making him/her a mere consumer of the mass culture product and an observer of the political events. The Internet is still partially seen as classic or mass media in the political communication of BiH. The audience doesn't have a chance for systematically arranged interaction, but it's primarily focused on one-way communication. In the meantime, politicians are accessing the Internet as just another option from the list, not seeing a new fact - not only that they can broadcast, but they need to make their products available to the recipients at the same time.