The Media at War - Communication and Conflict in the Twentieth Century
In: Politicka misao, Band 39, Heft 1, S. 194-198
In: Politicka misao, Band 39, Heft 1, S. 194-198
Brendiranje gradova, pod kojim većina autora smatra procese upravljanja identitetom i imidžom, predstavlja strateški odgovor na nove zahtjeve umrežena svijeta, ekonomske trendove, informacijske i socijalne potrebe stanovništva. Teorijske perspektive i primjeri iz prakse naglašavaju važnost "upravljanja" urbanim identitetima kroz konceptualne postavke brendiranja kako bi se povećala konkurentnost gradova u sljedećim sferama: turistička potražnja, optimalna iskoristivost resursa (ulaganja, privlačenje novih stanovnika…), revitalizacija urbanih prostora i jačanje identiteta grada. Uporabom tehnika i alata brendiranja stvaraju se preduvjeti za optimalnu iskoristivost konkurentskih prednosti nekoga grada u odnosu na ostale, pri čemu komunikacijske prakse gradskih sustava i podsustava predstavljaju infrastrukturalnu platformu za provedbu navedenoga procesa. Aktualni teorijski koncept koji je okrenut identitetskomu modelu temelji se na holističkome pristupu upravljanja brendom s naglaskom na povećano uključivanje mjesnoga stanovništva u stvaranje urbanih politika. Orijentiranost prema jačanju gradskoga identiteta inkluzivnim pristupom konceptualne postavke brendiranja uvodi u sferu suvremenoga gradskog menadžmenta temeljena na načelima dobroga upravljanja, naglašavajući pritom važnost dijaloških procesa između različitih interesnih skupina i nužnost širega razumijevanja kulture u smislu strateškoga alata za urbani razvoj. Stoga se rad bavi teorijskim aspektima, metodama i primjenom strateškoga upravljanja komunikacijom u procesu brendiranja gradova. Autor polazi od pretpostavke da u procesu razvijanja brenda, pored analize trenutnoga imidža vanjskih javnosti, ključnu ulogu ima komunikacijska kompetencija dionika u stvaranju mehanizama za dijaloške procese između interesnih javnosti unutar grada kako bi se postigao većinski konsenzus o uporištima živućega identiteta grada. Oslanjajući se na saznanja vodećih autora iz ovoga područja i analizu primjera iz prakse, u radu se predstavljaju osnovni koraci procesa izgradnje gradskoga brenda. ; City branding, vast majority of authors consider as the process of identity and image management, represents a strategic answer to new demands of the networked world, economic trends, information and social needs of the population. Theoretical perspectives and practical examples emphasize the significance of urban identities "management" through conceptual settings of branding in order to increase competitiveness of cities in the following spheres: touristic demand, optimal efficiency of resources (investments, attracting new inhabitants…), revitalization of urban spaces and strengthening of the city identity. Preconditions for optimal efficiency of competitive advantages of a certain city in relation to other are created by using branding techniques and tools, while communication practices of city systems and subsystems represent infrastructural platform for implementation of the mentioned process. Current theoretical concept related to identity model is based on the holistic approach to the brand management with the emphasis on increased involving of the local population in creating urban policies. Orientation towards strengthening city identity by inclusive approach to conceptual setting of branding introduces the contemporary city management sphere based on the principle of good management while emphasizing the significance of dialogue processes between different interest groups and necessity of wider understanding of culture within the meaning of strategic tool for urban development. Therefore the paper deals with theoretical aspects, methods and implementation of strategic management of communication in the process of city branding. Author begins with the hypothesis that in the process of brand development, besides the analysis of the current public image, communication competence of stakeholders has the key role in creating mechanisms for dialogue processes between interest public groups within the city in order to achieve greater consensus on the strongholds of the living city identity. Relying on the findings of leading authors from this area and analysis of the practical examples, the paper presents basic steps in the process of creating city brand.
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The aim of the article is to present the development of the TILKA education model. This new L1 and L2 teaching model integrates language and literature teaching through research and activity, as well as the principles and methods of intercultural education and transactional analysis. Our main research question during the model development was how nonviolent communication can be included into the intercultural language teaching. The analysis of various discourses (science, tourism, politics, literature) with regard to intensity modification has shown that verbal aggressiveness can be related to the expression of intensity modification. Building the competence of nonviolent communication with the use of specific intensity modificators can be included into the language teaching model as one of the most important intercultural goals. ; Cilj članka je predstaviti razvoj odgojnog modela TILKA. Taj novi model nastave materinskog/prvog i stranog/drugog jezika s jedne strane obuhvaća poduku jezika i književnosti s pomoću istraživanja i aktivnosti, a s druge spaja smjernice i metode interkulturnog odgoja i transakcijske analize. Naše najvažnije istraživačko pitanje vezano je uz nenasilnu komunikaciju koja bi mogla postati sastavni dio interkulturne jezične nastave. Da bismo odgovorili na pitanje kako uključiti nenasilnu komunikaciju u okvir interkulturne jezične nastave, analizirali smo četiri različita diskursa (znanost, turizam, politika, književnost) iz perspektive modifikacije intenziteta. Analize su pokazale da je verbalna agresija povezana s modifikacijom intenziteta u jeziku. Kod nenasilne komunikacije modifikatori koji jačaju intenzitet prisutni su samo onda kad postoje realna potreba i mogućnost da se pojača argument. Inače se više upotrebljavaju modifikatori za slabljenje argumenta koji uspostavljaju neku racionalnu distancu prema sadržaju i primatelju poruke. Kompetencija nenasilne komunikacije sa specifičnom upotrebom modifikacije intenziteta može biti uključena u jezičnu nastavu kao jedan od najvažnijih interkulturnih ciljeva.
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Integrirane marketinške komunikacije pojavile su se u osamdesetim godinama prošlog stoljeća u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, a danas ih u svijetu, osim tvrtki, koriste i političke stranke jer prepoznaju važnost sinergijskog djelovanja oglašavanja i odnosa s javnošću, ali i integriranja publike u aktivnosti stranke. Ovaj rad uz pomoć metode upitnika te analize sadržaja hiperteksta istražuje jesu li najutjecajnije političke stranke u Hrvatskoj i Srbiji upoznate i koriste li u svom političkom djelovanju integrirano komuniciranje te kako i koliko dugo primjenjuju ovaj koncept. ; Integrated Marketing Communication appeared in the 1980s in the United States, and is nowadays, besides companies, also used by political parties, because they recognized the importance of the synergic effects of advertising and public relations, but also of integrating the audience in the activities of the party. This paper makes use of questionnaires and content analysis of hypertext in order to examine whether the most influential political parties in Croatia and Serbia are informed about integrated marketing communication. Furthermore, the article examines whether these parties use integrated communications in their political activities and inquires how and for how long they have been applying this concept.
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The Net Generation, a generation which grew up with digital media, differ from older generations which entered the world of digital media and the Internet afterwards. The Internet itself opened new possibilities of communication and participation in the sphere of politics as well. Research was conducted among students at the Faculty of Teacher Education in Zagreb and Baltazar Zaprešić Polytechnic in order to establish the degree to which students, the so called "digital natives", use the Internet for the purposes of political information, communication, and participation. Over two thirds of participants, young voters, voted in the parliamentary elections in Croatia in 2015, and in order to obtain information on political matters, they prefer using the Internet, but also use television to almost the same extent. According to the research results, the majority of the participants are ready to express their political opinions over the Internet. Half of the participants in no way show readiness to engage in political life by joining a political party, and a very small percentage of them are ready to take part in protest gatherings. In the segment of political participation, members of the Net Generation do not show a statistically significant difference when compared to older students of a non-teacher education polytechnic. ; Net-generaciji, generaciji koja je odrasla s digitalnim medijima, pripisuju se značajke koje ih razlikuju od pripadnika starijih generacija koja su u svijet digitalnih medija i interneta ušle naknadno. Internet je pak otvorio nove mogućnosti komunikacije i participacije i u sferi politike. Među studentima Učiteljskog fakulteta u Zagrebu i Veleučilišta Baltazar Zaprešić provedeno je istraživanje s ciljem utvrđivanja u kojoj se mjeri studenti, tzv. "digitalni urođenici", koriste internetom s ciljem političke informiranosti, političke komunikacije i participacije. Nešto više od dvije trećine ispitanika, mladih birača, glasovalo je na parlamentarnim izborima u Hrvatskoj 2015. godine. Oni preferiraju internet kako bi se informirali o političkim zbivanjima, ali u gotovo istoj mjeri preferiraju i televiziju. Prema rezultatima istraživanja, ispitanici su u najvećem broju spremni iskazati svoje političko mišljenje putem interneta, polovina ispitanika nikako ne pokazuje spremnost da se angažiraju kao članovi političke stranke, a u vrlo malom postotku spremni su sudjelovati u protestnim okupljanjima. Pripadnici net-generacije u segmentu političke participacije ne pokazuju statistički značajnu razliku u usporedbi sa studentima neučiteljskog fakulteta starije životne dobi.
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Prednosti komunikacije te lakšu dostupnost ciljnih javnost preko društvenih mreža prepoznale su i političke elite te su, osim tradicionalnih oblika komunikacije, političku komunikaciju obogatile društvenim medijima. Dominantna društvena mreža u Hrvatskoj je Facebook, iako nemali broj osoba iz javnoga života koristi i Twitter kao sredstvo komunikacije. Premda se raspravlja jesu li društveni mediji unaprijedili demokraciju ili je ugrozili, činjenica je da je ta platforma omogućila transparentniju i dostupniju komunikaciju koja zasigurno utječe na izgradnju imidža pojedinaca i institucija iz političke arene, kojima je takav oblik komunikacije omogućio i izgradnju vlastite virtualne zajednice. Struktura rada sastoji se od nekoliko većih cjelina i pripadajućih podcjelina. Razlike koje su uočene istraživanjem upućuju na to da su institucije, dakle ministarstva, u Sloveniji u daleko većoj mjeri prisutna u viralnome prostoru nego li je to slučaj u Hrvatskoj. Gledaju li se sami nositelji javne vlasti, ministri, oni su u Hrvatskoj, za razliku od Slovenije, prisutniji sa svojim službenim Facebook stranicama. Takvi rezultati, iako znakoviti, ne upućuju na to da se u Hrvatskoj i Sloveniji komunikacija na digitalnim platformama koristi u svrhu političkoga diskursa ili u cilju informiranja ključnih aktera te posljedično kreiranja javnoga mišljenja o nekome političkom pitanju ; With the development of the Internet, as the fastest growing media, social networks have evolved, as well as everyday communication on these platforms. Benefits communication and easier access to the target public and has been recognized by the political elites and are, in addition to traditional forms of communication, political communication enriched communication on social media. The dominant social network in Croatia is Facebook, although not a small number of public life uses Twitter as a means of communication. Despite the numerous controversy over whether or not the social media have upgraded or threatened democracy, the fact is that this platform has enabled a more transparent and accessible communication that certainly has an impact on building the image of individuals and institutions from the political arena, which has made this form of communication possible to build a virtual community . The structure of the work consists of several larger entities and corresponding subdivisions. The first part of the work is based on theoretical insights. Minorizing the transition theory and democratization of post-communist societies, the theoretical part of the work also deals with civic participation and culture. All these transversal processes for three decades have also influenced the modification of communication, from top to bottom, therefore, towards citizens, from citizens to the public authorities. Therefore, political communication on social networks as well as social networks as a tool for creating a positive image in public relations will be treated theoretically. The second part of the deconstruction process is the presence of Croatian and Slovenian ministries, as a public authority institution and ministers on Facebook's social network. Compilation and descriptor methods, theoretical perspectives are dissected using relevant sources, while in the second part, the descriptive statistics method deconstructs the results obtained by research. Using the illustrations and the comparison method, the results are compared. At the end of the paper, the conclusion is based on theoretical strengths and results obtained.
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U ovom se članku istražuje kako birači i političari putem društvenih medija komuniciraju o važnim temama u situacijama koje mobiliziraju veći broj ljudi, kao što su izbori i prosvjedi. U radu se analizira slučaj predsjedničkih izbora u Rumunjskoj 2014. godine, kada su birači imali aktivnu ulogu u promoviranju tema koje kandidati u početku nisu spominjali u svojim kampanjama. Dvije su teme proizišle kao osobito važne iz perspektive birača: sustavna korupcija i optužbe da vlada namjerno ometa proces glasovanja u zajednicama rumunjske dijaspore. Automatska i ručna analiza sadržaja korisničkih komentara i materijala iz kampanje u društvenim medijima otkriva, iako je teško precizno dokazati kauzalnu povezanost, da su zahtjevi birača koji se tiču spomenutih tema imali aktivnu ulogu u promjeni strategija kampanja kandidata. ; This article examines how voters and politicians interact through social media to communicate salient issues in highly mobilising contexts, such as elections and protests. It analyses the case of Romania's 2014 presidential elections, where voters played an active role in promoting themes that candidates had not initially addressed in their campaigns. Two topics emerged as particularly important from the voters' perspective: systemic corruption and accusations of the government deliberately hindering the voting process in Romanian diaspora communities. A mixed approach of automated and manual content analysis of user comments and campaign materials on social media reveals that, while it is difficult to make precise causal claims, voter demands with regards to these topics had an active role in influencing changes in candidates' campaign strategies.
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Studija se bavi promjenama u odnosu između lokalnih novinara i lokalnih političara u Češkoj kao posljedicom profesionalizacije političke komunikacije, kako na nacionalnoj tako i na lokalnoj razini, nakon takozvane Baršunaste revolucije iz 1989. godine. Taj je fenomen već istraživan u zapadnim demokracijama, a u Češkoj je relativno nov. Unaprijeđene komunikacijske vještine političara te zapošljavanje komunikacijskih stručnjaka u politici utječu na povjerenje – temeljnu komponentu u odnosu političara i novinara. Članak se temelji na saznanjima iz polustrukturiranih intervjua s 10 novinara i 11 političara iz različitih mjesta u Češkoj, kojima je cilj istražiti na koji način oni shvaćaju i održavaju razine međusobnog povjerenja. Najprije smo opisali ključne komponente povjerenja te objasnili zašto se povjerenje smatra ugroženijim u doba rofesionalizirane političke komunikacije nego što je bilo tijekom 1990-ih. Naposljetku zaključujemo članak istraživanjem triju najvažnijih prijetnji povjerenju koje su identificirali naši ispitanici. ; The study discusses changes in the relationship between local journalists and local politicians in the Czech Republic as a consequence of the professionalization of political communications at national as well as local levels following the so-called Velvet Revolution of 1989. This phenomenon has been studied widely in Western democracies but is relatively new in the Czech Republic. Politicians' improved communication skills and the employment of communication professionals in politics influence trust – a key component in the relationship – between politicians and journalists. The article is based on semi-structured interviews with 10 journalists and 11 politicians from different Czech localities, which aim to explore how these actors understand and maintain levels of mutual trust. First we describe key components of trust and explain why in the era of professionalized political communication trust is perceived as more threatened than in the 1990s and we conclude by exploring the three most important threats to trust as identified by our interviewees.
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Kad pogledamo medijske navike korisnika, posebno mladih (Reuters Institute Digital News Report, 2020), onda možemo vidjeti sve veći utjecaj društvenih medija u njihovu informiranju i komunikaciji. Značaj društvenih medija još je dodatno ojačan s početkom globalne pandemije bolesti COVID-19. U tom kontekstu društvena mreža Instagram proteklih godina postaje sve popularnija platforma na globalnoj razini, a posebno kod mlađe populacije. No, i dalje ostaje neiskorišten alat u približavanju politika, političkih aktera i važnih društvenih tema mlađoj populaciji. Cilj je ovog rada ispitati kako su ključni politički akteri u Hrvatskoj komunicirali putem Instagrama za vrijeme pandemije COVID-19 te utvrditi jesu li koristili ovu društvenu mrežu kako bi se približili publici na toj platformi, odnosno mladima. S druge strane, ovaj rad će ispitati kako komunikaciju političara na društvenoj mreži Instagram percipiraju i ocjenjuju mladi praktičari odnosa s javnošću i jesu li njihove poruke prilagođene mlađoj populaciji. Svrha će rada biti na temelju dvostruke analize donijeti zaključke i dati preporuke za unapređenje komunikacije političara na društvenoj mreži Instagram. Koristeći metodu analize sadržaja analiziran je sadržaj na Instagram profilima dvojice ministara i članova kriznog stožera za pandemiju COVID-19 te hrvatskog premijera i predsjednika. Analizom je utvrđeno na koji način političari komuniciraju, je li sadržaj prilagođen mladima i potiču li angažman u svojim objavama. Metodom strukturiranog intervjua s odabranim praktičarima odnosa s javnošću komunikacija je ocjenjivana trodimenzionalno: u sadržaju, javnom nastupu i karizmi političara na Instagramu. Na temelju dobivenih rezultata u zaključku rada sažete su preporuke za daljnju praksu u komunikaciji političara na društvenoj mreži Instagram. ; Looking at the users' media habits, especially in young users (Reuters Institute Digital News Report, 2020), we can see the growing social media influence on their information and communication. The importance of social media in information and communication is even higher since the beginning of the global COVID-19 pandemic. In that context, the social network called Instagram is becoming increasingly popular globally, particularly with younger generations. Still, it remains an unused tool in bringing policies, political actors, and important social topics closer to the younger population. The goal of this paper is to investigate how did Croatian politicians communicated via Instagram during the COVID-19 pandemic and to establish if they used this social network to get closer to the audience on that platform, that is, to young people. On the other hand, we will examine how the young public relations practitioners perceive and evaluate the Crisis and political headquarters' and communication on Instagram. Furthermore, they will review if politicians have adapted their messages to the younger population. The scope of this paper is to draw conclusions based on double analysis and give recommendations for communication improvement of politicians on Instagram. We have analysed the content on the Instagram profile of the two ministers and members of Croatian COVID-19 crisis headquarters and Croatian president and prime-minister using the content analysis method. We have established how the politicians communicate, whether the content was adapted to the young population and if their posts were engaging. Alongside the selected public relations practitioners, we have conducted structured interviews to assess the communication, using the three-dimensional assessment method: content, public performance, and charisma of the members of the politicians on Instagram. In conclusion, we have summarized the recommendations for further communication of politicians on Instagram.
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In: Politicka misao, Band 36, Heft 3, S. 207-214
This article analyzes the relations among "communicology," "novitology," & journalism as the practice of public communication. Communicology is defined as a general science on public communication (philosophy of communication), novitology as a specific science dealing with all the singularities of mass communication by means of the mass media (radio, newspapers, TV, & the new media), & journalism as a practice defined by means of the methodology of direct journalistic activities. This leads to the introduction of epistemological order into a number of sciences. Also, misunderstandings & overlappings are avoided, as well as totally erroneous attitudes pernicious for the theory of public communication & journalism as the practice of public polylogue in the media. 9 References. Adapted from the source document.
U svim dosadašnjim radovima na temu umijeća govorništva istraživala su se verbalna i neverbalna komunikacija, stil, gestovni znakovi, držanje tijela, položaj trupa, pokreti nogu, govori u kontekstu vremena i prostora i sl., no slučaj nepoznavanja ili lošega poznavanja jezika zemlje kojoj je političar na čelu nije istraživan ni razrađen. A upravo je to slučaj s bivšim predsjednikom Vlade Republike Hrvatske Tihomirom Oreškovićem. Ovim se radom željelo ustanoviti kakav dojam ostavlja bivši premijer na javnost u kontekstu nepoznavanja hrvatskoga jezika. Također se pokušalo utvrditi koje odlike u javnome nastupu ima i kakav dojam one ostavljaju na javnost. Kako bi to utvrdili, za potrebe rada autori su proveli dubinski intervju sa stručnjacima iz područja društveno humanističkih znanosti koji su se osvrnuli na javni nastup i dojam koji bivši premijer ostavlja na javnost. Kako bismo kvantitativno argumentirali odgovore dobivene iz dubinskoga intervjua, dodatno je provedeno anketno istraživanje o dojmu koji ostavlja na ispitanike. Radi dodatne argumentacije analiziran je i sadržaj u obliku transkripata javnih nastupa premijera Oreškovića. ; All the previous works on the art of public speaking have investigated the verbal and nonverbal communication, style, gesture signs, posture, position of torso, leg movements, speaking in the context of time and space, etc. But the case of ignorance or poor knowledge of language of the country, whose head the politician is, has neither been investigated nor elaborated. And that is precisely the case with former Croatian Prime Minister Tihomir Orešković. The main intention of this paper is to determine what kind of impression the former Croatian Prime Minister Tihomir Orešković makes on the public in the context of lack of knowledge of the Croatian language. It also tried to find out his characteristics in public appearance and what impression they make on the public. In order to determine that, for the purpose of this paper we conducted in-depth interviews with experts in the field of social and human sciences that made a review of public appearance and impression that former Prime Minister Orešković made on general public. In order to quantitatively argue the answers obtained from in-depth interviews, we additionally conducted a survey where we examined the impression he made on respondents. For the purpose of additional argumentation the authors also analyzed the content in the form of transcripts of public appearances of former Prime Minister Orešković.
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Etička je obveza liječnika da budu upoznati s trenutnim dostignućima. Stručne medicinske udruge. poput Europskog kardiološkog društva (ESC), podupiru te vrste obveze. Troškovi stalnog medicinskog usavršavanja (SMU) u Europi su nedovoljno pokriveni od vlade i poslodavaca, ali ipak se stučne udruge kritiziraju zbog primanja alternativne financijske potpore od strane industrije. Medicinska edeukacija i osposobljavanje u području istraživanja uključuje obuku procjene kvalitete i pouzdanosti bilo koje informacije. Postoje realne opasnosti neobjektivne pristranosti kod bilo kojeg oblika znanstvene komunikacije uključujući intelektualnu, stručnu i financijsku, i izrazito je važno da se to uoči i razotkrije. Neophodna je bliska suradnja bazičnih i kliničkih istraživača iz akademskih institucija s jedne strane, te s druge strane s inženjerima i znanstvenicima istraživačkih odjela za medicinske uređaje i farmaceutskih tvrtki. Ona je ključna za razvoj novih dijagnostičkih metoda i postupaka. Promidžba industrijskih inovacija može ubrzati njihovu primjenu u kliničkoj praksi. Sveučilišta, u ovom trenutku, često potiču svoje akademsko osoblje na zaštitu svog intelektualnog vlasništva ili na komercijalizaciju svojih istraživanja, što samo po sebi ne predstavlja komercijalnu aktivnost niti predstavlja veze koje su postale meta kritika. Pod kritikom je uočeni utjecaj komercijalnih tvrtki na donošenje kliničkih odluka ili na poruke koje prenose stručne zdravstvene organizacije. Ovaj dokument donosi stav ESC o aktualnoj raspravi te savjetuje kako smanjiti komercijalni utjecaj u znanstvenoj komunikaciji i na SMU te kako osigurati odgovarajuće etičke standarde i transparentnost u odnosima između medicinske struke i industrije. ; Physicians have an ethical duty to keep up-to-date with current knowledge. Professional medical associations such as the European Society of Cardiology (ESC) support these obligations. In Europe, the costs of continuing medical education (CME) are insufficiently supported from governments and employers; however, medical associations have been criticized for accepting alternative financial support from industry. Medical education and training in research include learning how to assess the quality and reliability of any information. There is some risk of bias in any form of scientific communication including intellectual, professional, and financial and it is essential that in particular, the latter must be acknowledged by full disclosure. It is essential that there is strong collaboration between basic and clinical researchers from academic institutions on the one hand, with engineers and scientists from the research divisions of device and pharmaceutical companies on the other. This is vital so that new diagnostic methods and treatments are developed. Promotion of advances by industry may accelerate their implementation into clinical practice. Universities now frequently exhort their academic staff to protect their intellectual property or commercialize their research. Thus, it is not commercial activity or links per se that have become the target for criticism but the perceived influence of commercial enterprises on clinical decision-making or on messages conveyed by professional medical organizations. This document offers the perspective of the ESC on the current debate, and it recommends how to minimize bias in scientific communications and CME and how to ensure proper ethical standards and transparency in relations between the medical profession and industry.
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In: Biblioteka Komunikologija
In: Kolo II 1
In: Novi sustav javnog komuniciranja u Republici Hrvatskoj 4
In: Politicka misao, Band 44, Heft 1, S. 137-149
Today, crises strike corporations, political & government institutions & a plethora of organizations, as well as individuals. In this paper the authors analyze the types & the causes of crises, & strategies as crisis response. Some crises trigger off major & irreparable damage, & some can result in improved credibility (crisis as opportunity). Due to the significance of crises, today's management pays a lot of attention to crisis communication. Crises have, or at least ought to have, a strategic position in the life of organizations. Crises & crisis communication can be understood by means of using strategies as a crisis response. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.
Rad istražuje značenje teorije vrijednosnog uokvirivanja u političkoj komunikaciji, odnosno ispituje utjecaj vrijednosnih okvira na formiranje političkih stavova u javnosti. Učinak vrijednosnog uokvirivanja izveden je iz kontekstualne vrijednosti informacije (pozitivno, negativno) i vrijedi ako stavovi ljudi prema određenoj temi odgovaraju kontekstualnoj vrijednosti primljene informacije. Ovaj rad kao studiju slučaja predstavlja izvještavanje za vrijeme krize vlade Mireka Topoláneka u Češkoj Republici 2009. Rad ispituje u kojoj je mjeri kontekst izjava na češkim vijestima o dvjema parlamentarnim strankama – Građanskoj demokratskoj stranci (Občanská demokratická strana, ODS, predsjednik Mirek Topolánek) i Češkoj socijaldemokratskoj stranci (Česká strana sociálně demokratická, ČSSD, predsjednik Jiří Paroubek) – povezan s postojećim političkim stavovima njihove potencijalne publike. U radu se tvrdi kako je učinak vrijednosnog uokvirivanja bio vidljiviji u programu javne televizije Události ČT nego u komercijalnom programu Televizní noviny, što predstavlja paradoks koji se može objasniti jedinstvenom poveznicom između karakteristika češkog medijskog okruženja i političkih stavova televizijskih gledatelja. ; This article explores the meaning of valence-framing theory in political communication. It examines the influence of valence frames on the formation of political attitudes among the public. The valence-framing effect is derived from the information context value (positive, negative) and applies if people's attitudes towards a certain subject match the context value of the information received. The article presents a case study of reports during the crisis of Mirek Topolánek's government in the Czech Republic in 2009. It examines to what extent the context of the statements on the Czech news concerning the parliamentary parties Civic Democratic Party (ODS, leader Mirek Topolánek) and the Czech Social Democratic Party (ČSSD, leader Jiří Paroubek) related to the existing political attitudes of their prospective audiences. The article argues that the valence-framing effect was more evident in the public broadcasting programme Události ČT than the commercial programme Televizní noviny, a paradox which can be explained by the unique link between the attributes of the Czech media environment and the political opinions of their viewers.
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