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The goal of this article is to analyse the peculiarities of the application of comparative method in political science. The analysis focuses on the historical development of comparative research and major factors that have influenced this development, mainly, historical events, development of research techniques and advancement of the data storage and processing. The analysis covers investigation of various models of comparative research classification as well as the problems of sampling. The comparative method is frequently used in political and social research as it broadens the perspective and could improve understanding of social phenomena. Many methodological problems encountered by scientists earlier on still remain unsolved, while some new challenges have been encountered such as ethnocentrism, sampling issues and cultural biases. The major goal of this article is to promote the scientific discussions on the application of comparative method in the political science in Lithuanian language. ; Šiame straipsnyje nagrinėjami lyginamojo metodo panaudojimo politikos moksle savitumai. Trumpai apžvelgus lyginamųjų tyrimų vystymosi istoriją, analizuojami veiksniai, kurie turėjo įtakos tyrimų poreikiui ir plėtrai. Ypatingas dėmesys skiriamas lyginamųjų tyrimų klasifi kacijos analizei. Straipsnyje analizuojami keli lyginamųjų tyrimų klasifi kacijos modeliai, sukonstruoti remiantis skirtingu požiūriu į laiko ir erdvės parametrų svarbą. Taip pat analizuojama kiekybinė (tyrimo vienetų skaičiaus) klasifi kacija. Šio straipsnio tikslas – prisidėti prie lyginamosios politikos metodologijos analizės plėtojimo lietuvių kalba.

The idea of European identity and multilingualism, especially of a European public sphere – of media-sustained imaginary spaces where all of the diversities and commonalities of multicultural Europe are expressed and celebrated – is an appealing and thought-provoking concept and one that continuously attracts the attention of scholars, policy-makers, writers, journalists, and artists from all over Europe. At the same time, in spite of their popularity, multifaceted nature, and inclusivity, many of these debates lack optimism. Discussions often lead to the conclusion that a common arena for cultural exchange and inspiring debates, maintained and preserved by the conventional mass media, simply does not exist. It does not exist as a common public sphere where differing points of view could be presented, and which would enable the emergence of a mutual discourse rich in diverse interpretations – of a space which would stimulate the imagination of Europe as an experience. Therefore, the goal of the research perspective "European Public Sphere – politics, communication, discourse" is to find commonalities and intersections among those very diverse fields of europenization studies ranging from journalism, communication studies and identity issues, to regional studies, comparative politics and international relations. At the same time, this research perspective seeks to address new questions and includes these into the comparative research agenda. It looks into changes and. [to full text]

The idea of European identity and multilingualism, especially of a European public sphere – of media-sustained imaginary spaces where all of the diversities and commonalities of multicultural Europe are expressed and celebrated – is an appealing and thought-provoking concept and one that continuously attracts the attention of scholars, policy-makers, writers, journalists, and artists from all over Europe. At the same time, in spite of their popularity, multifaceted nature, and inclusivity, many of these debates lack optimism. Discussions often lead to the conclusion that a common arena for cultural exchange and inspiring debates, maintained and preserved by the conventional mass media, simply does not exist. It does not exist as a common public sphere where differing points of view could be presented, and which would enable the emergence of a mutual discourse rich in diverse interpretations – of a space which would stimulate the imagination of Europe as an experience. Therefore, the goal of the research perspective "European Public Sphere – politics, communication, discourse" is to find commonalities and intersections among those very diverse fields of europenization studies ranging from journalism, communication studies and identity issues, to regional studies, comparative politics and international relations. At the same time, this research perspective seeks to address new questions and includes these into the comparative research agenda. It looks into changes and. [to full text]

The idea of European identity and multilingualism, especially of a European public sphere – of media-sustained imaginary spaces where all of the diversities and commonalities of multicultural Europe are expressed and celebrated – is an appealing and thought-provoking concept and one that continuously attracts the attention of scholars, policy-makers, writers, journalists, and artists from all over Europe. At the same time, in spite of their popularity, multifaceted nature, and inclusivity, many of these debates lack optimism. Discussions often lead to the conclusion that a common arena for cultural exchange and inspiring debates, maintained and preserved by the conventional mass media, simply does not exist. It does not exist as a common public sphere where differing points of view could be presented, and which would enable the emergence of a mutual discourse rich in diverse interpretations – of a space which would stimulate the imagination of Europe as an experience. Therefore, the goal of the research perspective "European Public Sphere – politics, communication, discourse" is to find commonalities and intersections among those very diverse fields of europenization studies ranging from journalism, communication studies and identity issues, to regional studies, comparative politics and international relations. At the same time, this research perspective seeks to address new questions and includes these into the comparative research agenda. It looks into changes and. [to full text]

Election campaign is extremely significant part of political process, when politicians are trying to sell their 'product' at any price. They must attract support from the public and in order to achieve it, they can use different types of political communications. It is important to choose the right style, the one that could reach the biggest amount of aimed public and help to gain their support. Media identifies and judges the style of election campaign of candidate: how many/ few tools are being used; what sort of message is desired to be sent- negative/positive, relevant/irrelevant; how he/she communicates with public, a lot/ little, pleasantly or tries to avoid a contact. Object of the assay- D. Cameron and G. Brown general election campaign, subject- a formation of communication style of D. Cameron and G. Brown during the campaign. The aim of this work- to elucidate the features of communication style of D. Cameron and also G. Brown's election campaign. There are main two hypotheses that will be tested: H1: D. Cameron, the leader of opposition, is using a negative information against G. Brown and his government during his election campaign; H2: G. Brown as a prime minister is using a positive tactic and expects to win elections again. The investigation shows that Cameron election campaign has been established gradually, in order to create a modern image of the leader of party, but failed to distance from M. Thatcher and her established brand. Electoral campaign slogans have been carefully thought out and had associations and confirmations in the line of image of D. Cameron created Pre-election. The vast majority of the electoral campaign was negative, constantly criticising the ongoing policy of rival- and therefore showing why not to vote for Brown. So the analysis in this work confirms the first hypothesis. The analysis also concludes that the second hypothesis is denied. Election campaign of Brown was extremely negative. It mainly focused on idea that D. Cameron represents only the upper class- 'posh people' and his changes would be dangerous for Britain. Additionally, the campaign was aiming to show G. Brown not as faultless individual, but on the contrary as a fallible and human being who was able to admit his mistakes and also confess that he was not perfect, but he was an expert in economic matters, who made efficient decisions for Britain. The investigation found the pre-election situation was unfavourable to both the Conservative and Labour parties and their leaders. The reason was the parliamentary expenses scandal, which has further reduced public confidence in politicians.

Election campaign is extremely significant part of political process, when politicians are trying to sell their 'product' at any price. They must attract support from the public and in order to achieve it, they can use different types of political communications. It is important to choose the right style, the one that could reach the biggest amount of aimed public and help to gain their support. Media identifies and judges the style of election campaign of candidate: how many/ few tools are being used; what sort of message is desired to be sent- negative/positive, relevant/irrelevant; how he/she communicates with public, a lot/ little, pleasantly or tries to avoid a contact. Object of the assay- D. Cameron and G. Brown general election campaign, subject- a formation of communication style of D. Cameron and G. Brown during the campaign. The aim of this work- to elucidate the features of communication style of D. Cameron and also G. Brown's election campaign. There are main two hypotheses that will be tested: H1: D. Cameron, the leader of opposition, is using a negative information against G. Brown and his government during his election campaign; H2: G. Brown as a prime minister is using a positive tactic and expects to win elections again. The investigation shows that Cameron election campaign has been established gradually, in order to create a modern image of the leader of party, but failed to distance from M. Thatcher and her established brand. Electoral campaign slogans have been carefully thought out and had associations and confirmations in the line of image of D. Cameron created Pre-election. The vast majority of the electoral campaign was negative, constantly criticising the ongoing policy of rival- and therefore showing why not to vote for Brown. So the analysis in this work confirms the first hypothesis. The analysis also concludes that the second hypothesis is denied. Election campaign of Brown was extremely negative. It mainly focused on idea that D. Cameron represents only the upper class- 'posh people' and his changes would be dangerous for Britain. Additionally, the campaign was aiming to show G. Brown not as faultless individual, but on the contrary as a fallible and human being who was able to admit his mistakes and also confess that he was not perfect, but he was an expert in economic matters, who made efficient decisions for Britain. The investigation found the pre-election situation was unfavourable to both the Conservative and Labour parties and their leaders. The reason was the parliamentary expenses scandal, which has further reduced public confidence in politicians.

Election campaign is extremely significant part of political process, when politicians are trying to sell their 'product' at any price. They must attract support from the public and in order to achieve it, they can use different types of political communications. It is important to choose the right style, the one that could reach the biggest amount of aimed public and help to gain their support. Media identifies and judges the style of election campaign of candidate: how many/ few tools are being used; what sort of message is desired to be sent- negative/positive, relevant/irrelevant; how he/she communicates with public, a lot/ little, pleasantly or tries to avoid a contact. Object of the assay- D. Cameron and G. Brown general election campaign, subject- a formation of communication style of D. Cameron and G. Brown during the campaign. The aim of this work- to elucidate the features of communication style of D. Cameron and also G. Brown's election campaign. There are main two hypotheses that will be tested: H1: D. Cameron, the leader of opposition, is using a negative information against G. Brown and his government during his election campaign; H2: G. Brown as a prime minister is using a positive tactic and expects to win elections again. The investigation shows that Cameron election campaign has been established gradually, in order to create a modern image of the leader of party, but failed to distance from M. Thatcher and her established brand. Electoral campaign slogans have been carefully thought out and had associations and confirmations in the line of image of D. Cameron created Pre-election. The vast majority of the electoral campaign was negative, constantly criticising the ongoing policy of rival- and therefore showing why not to vote for Brown. So the analysis in this work confirms the first hypothesis. The analysis also concludes that the second hypothesis is denied. Election campaign of Brown was extremely negative. It mainly focused on idea that D. Cameron represents only the upper class- 'posh people' and his changes would be dangerous for Britain. Additionally, the campaign was aiming to show G. Brown not as faultless individual, but on the contrary as a fallible and human being who was able to admit his mistakes and also confess that he was not perfect, but he was an expert in economic matters, who made efficient decisions for Britain. The investigation found the pre-election situation was unfavourable to both the Conservative and Labour parties and their leaders. The reason was the parliamentary expenses scandal, which has further reduced public confidence in politicians.

Very few women in Lithuania are involved in politics or top-level administration. The main aim of the study was to reveal relation between changes of attitudes of Lithuanians towards political participation of women and voting results in the elections. The study is based on comparative analysis of the results of three national representative surveys in Lithuania conducted in 1994, 2000 and 2009, some results are also compared with data of national representative survey in Belarus, conducted in 2009. The analysis of the results of the surveys and dynamics of women's political participation showed that people of Lithuania are indifferent about women's participation in politics and government, and, their opinion did not change substantially since 1994. During this period numbers of elected women to Parliament or municipal boards remained low. Attitudes of Lithuanian people determined low numbers of elected women, but had no influence on women's success or failure in the particular elections held within this period. No radical means to increase the number of women in politics and government would be accepted by the population of Lithuania. Comparison of attitudes of Lithuanian and Belarusian people towards women's political participation, showed that all they remain patriarchal, but progress of Lithuanian's attitudes towards more democratic is greater.

Very few women in Lithuania are involved in politics or top-level administration. The main aim of the study was to reveal relation between changes of attitudes of Lithuanians towards political participation of women and voting results in the elections. The study is based on comparative analysis of the results of three national representative surveys in Lithuania conducted in 1994, 2000 and 2009, some results are also compared with data of national representative survey in Belarus, conducted in 2009. The analysis of the results of the surveys and dynamics of women's political participation showed that people of Lithuania are indifferent about women's participation in politics and government, and, their opinion did not change substantially since 1994. During this period numbers of elected women to Parliament or municipal boards remained low. Attitudes of Lithuanian people determined low numbers of elected women, but had no influence on women's success or failure in the particular elections held within this period. No radical means to increase the number of women in politics and government would be accepted by the population of Lithuania. Comparison of attitudes of Lithuanian and Belarusian people towards women's political participation, showed that all they remain patriarchal, but progress of Lithuanian's attitudes towards more democratic is greater.

Very few women in Lithuania are involved in politics or top-level administration. The main aim of the study was to reveal relation between changes of attitudes of Lithuanians towards political participation of women and voting results in the elections. The study is based on comparative analysis of the results of three national representative surveys in Lithuania conducted in 1994, 2000 and 2009, some results are also compared with data of national representative survey in Belarus, conducted in 2009. The analysis of the results of the surveys and dynamics of women's political participation showed that people of Lithuania are indifferent about women's participation in politics and government, and, their opinion did not change substantially since 1994. During this period numbers of elected women to Parliament or municipal boards remained low. Attitudes of Lithuanian people determined low numbers of elected women, but had no influence on women's success or failure in the particular elections held within this period. No radical means to increase the number of women in politics and government would be accepted by the population of Lithuania. Comparison of attitudes of Lithuanian and Belarusian people towards women's political participation, showed that all they remain patriarchal, but progress of Lithuanian's attitudes towards more democratic is greater.

Very few women in Lithuania are involved in politics or top-level administration. The main aim of the study was to reveal relation between changes of attitudes of Lithuanians towards political participation of women and voting results in the elections. The study is based on comparative analysis of the results of three national representative surveys in Lithuania conducted in 1994, 2000 and 2009, some results are also compared with data of national representative survey in Belarus, conducted in 2009. The analysis of the results of the surveys and dynamics of women's political participation showed that people of Lithuania are indifferent about women's participation in politics and government, and, their opinion did not change substantially since 1994. During this period numbers of elected women to Parliament or municipal boards remained low. Attitudes of Lithuanian people determined low numbers of elected women, but had no influence on women's success or failure in the particular elections held within this period. No radical means to increase the number of women in politics and government would be accepted by the population of Lithuania. Comparison of attitudes of Lithuanian and Belarusian people towards women's political participation, showed that all they remain patriarchal, but progress of Lithuanian's attitudes towards more democratic is greater.

Fidesz leader Victor Orban used the two thirds majority in the Hungarian parliament to promulgate a new constitution. Lithuania is unique in that the ex-communist and anti-communist elite pact was not abolished, but preserved and consolidated due to the collaboration of all, by this time, "established" and Left- of-centre populist parties during the impeachment proceedings. The impeachment of Paksas can be considered as the stress test of the young Lithuanian liberal democracy, just on the eve of the accession of Lithuania to the EU and NATO. An unhappy peculiarity of the stress tests is that they sometimes break or damage the items tested. As far as the success in impeaching R.Paksas prevented the transformation of liberal post-communism into populist post-communism in Lithuania, the test was a success. However, against the expectation of many observers of impeachment events, it did not enhance the quality of democracy of Lithuania. The legacy of impeachment are disequilibrium of the balance of power between government branches in favour of the Constitutional Court, strengthening of the Left-of-Centre populist political forces and the interference of secret services into Lithuanian politics with the self-assumed mission to safeguard Lithuanian democracy from the perils of populism.

Fidesz leader Victor Orban used the two thirds majority in the Hungarian parliament to promulgate a new constitution. Lithuania is unique in that the ex-communist and anti-communist elite pact was not abolished, but preserved and consolidated due to the collaboration of all, by this time, "established" and Left- of-centre populist parties during the impeachment proceedings. The impeachment of Paksas can be considered as the stress test of the young Lithuanian liberal democracy, just on the eve of the accession of Lithuania to the EU and NATO. An unhappy peculiarity of the stress tests is that they sometimes break or damage the items tested. As far as the success in impeaching R.Paksas prevented the transformation of liberal post-communism into populist post-communism in Lithuania, the test was a success. However, against the expectation of many observers of impeachment events, it did not enhance the quality of democracy of Lithuania. The legacy of impeachment are disequilibrium of the balance of power between government branches in favour of the Constitutional Court, strengthening of the Left-of-Centre populist political forces and the interference of secret services into Lithuanian politics with the self-assumed mission to safeguard Lithuanian democracy from the perils of populism.

Fidesz leader Victor Orban used the two thirds majority in the Hungarian parliament to promulgate a new constitution. Lithuania is unique in that the ex-communist and anti-communist elite pact was not abolished, but preserved and consolidated due to the collaboration of all, by this time, "established" and Left- of-centre populist parties during the impeachment proceedings. The impeachment of Paksas can be considered as the stress test of the young Lithuanian liberal democracy, just on the eve of the accession of Lithuania to the EU and NATO. An unhappy peculiarity of the stress tests is that they sometimes break or damage the items tested. As far as the success in impeaching R.Paksas prevented the transformation of liberal post-communism into populist post-communism in Lithuania, the test was a success. However, against the expectation of many observers of impeachment events, it did not enhance the quality of democracy of Lithuania. The legacy of impeachment are disequilibrium of the balance of power between government branches in favour of the Constitutional Court, strengthening of the Left-of-Centre populist political forces and the interference of secret services into Lithuanian politics with the self-assumed mission to safeguard Lithuanian democracy from the perils of populism.

Fidesz leader Victor Orban used the two thirds majority in the Hungarian parliament to promulgate a new constitution. Lithuania is unique in that the ex-communist and anti-communist elite pact was not abolished, but preserved and consolidated due to the collaboration of all, by this time, "established" and Left- of-centre populist parties during the impeachment proceedings. The impeachment of Paksas can be considered as the stress test of the young Lithuanian liberal democracy, just on the eve of the accession of Lithuania to the EU and NATO. An unhappy peculiarity of the stress tests is that they sometimes break or damage the items tested. As far as the success in impeaching R.Paksas prevented the transformation of liberal post-communism into populist post-communism in Lithuania, the test was a success. However, against the expectation of many observers of impeachment events, it did not enhance the quality of democracy of Lithuania. The legacy of impeachment are disequilibrium of the balance of power between government branches in favour of the Constitutional Court, strengthening of the Left-of-Centre populist political forces and the interference of secret services into Lithuanian politics with the self-assumed mission to safeguard Lithuanian democracy from the perils of populism.