Ewolucja polityki porownawczej jako subdyscypliny politologii
In: Wrocławskie studia politologiczne: czasopismo Instytutu Politologii Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Heft 11, S. 27-54
ISSN: 1643-0328
In: Wrocławskie studia politologiczne: czasopismo Instytutu Politologii Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Heft 11, S. 27-54
ISSN: 1643-0328
Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Niniejsze opracowanie składa się z dwóch części. Pierwsza opisuje strategię rządu koalicji Prawa i Sprawiedliwości (PiS), Ligii Polskich Rodzin (LPR) i Samoobrony w latach 2005– 2007 wobec sektora energetycznego. Program wyborczy PiS jako główny cel względem sektora energetycznego wskazał kwestię dywersyfikacji kierunków dostaw surowców energetycznych do Polski, m.in.: dostawy gazu z Norwegii, projekt terminalu gazu skroplonego LNG oraz projekt gazociągu Sarmackiego. Zrezygnowano natomiast z pomysłu gazociągu Aleksandra Gudzowatego Bernau–Szczecin. Druga część tekstu analizuje perspektywy rynku energetycznego w Polsce po wyborach w październiku 2015 r., które wygrała partia Prawo i Sprawiedliwość. Uzyskana większość głosów pozwala jej samodzielne sprawować rządy w państwie. Celem publikacji jest wskazanie głównych założeń jej strategii bezpieczeństwa energetycznego Polski. ; This study consists of two parts. The first describes the strategy of the coalition of Law and Justice (PiS), the League of Polish Families (LPR) and Self-Defense in 2005–2007 towards the energy sector. Law and Justice's election program chose as its priority the issue of diversification of energy supplies to Poland, for example the gas supply from Norway, the LNG terminal project and the Sarmatian pipeline project. However, it abandoned Aleksander Gudzowaty's project for the construction of the Bernau-Szczecin gaspipeline. The second part analyzes the prospects of the energy market in Poland after the elections in October 2015, won by PiS (Law and Justice). As the party holds the majority in the Polish Parliament, it does not need to form any coalition to rule independently. The resulting majority allows it to self-govern the country. The purpose of the paper is to identify the main objectives of the Polish energy security strategy.
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Historical policy versus the politics of remembrance is undoubtedly a policy, or a peculiar way to 'conduct policy,' where the optimally true knowledge of history as well as falsified and mythicized information about the past are a means to maintain, win and participate in power. By this token, historical policy is about the instrumentalization of the knowledge of history and mythicized accounts or opinions of the past for the sake of the implementation of a political agenda.So far, the concept of 'historical policy' has not yet become a clear academic category, which makes it difficult to agree what it actually encompasses. Still, the concept of 'historical policy' stands a chance of becoming an objective category in political science. Some professional historians may lean towards a certain skepticism, especially if they accept the traditional paradigm of studying the history of society.Misunderstandings regarding the issue of 'historical policy' sometimes result in a tendency to reject the possibility of this concept being applied by academics from the humanities and social fields of science. Recently, the issue of 'historical policy' has become of interest to political scientists, whose area of study involves the multiplicity of 'detailed policies.''Historical policy' is also discussed by many journalists who do not always present deepened reflections and concrete attitudes, as they rather tend to express their subjective views. It turns out that some Polish historians, political scientists and journalists are embroiled in the current political dispute in Poland. They frequently assume the role of lobbyists or opponents of one option of historical policy or another. The issue of historical policy requires analysis and explanation in an objective and multidisciplinary manner. It is a positive phenomenon that more and more publications with academic aspirations are emerging on this subject in Poland. One should recommend the cooperation between political scientists and historians in order to review and reliably explain planned and executed historical policy in a comparative manner. ; Historical policy versus the politics of remembrance is undoubtedly a policy, or a peculiar way to 'conduct policy,' where the optimally true knowledge of history as well as falsified and mythicized information about the past are a means to maintain, win and participate in power. By this token, historical policy is about the instrumentalization of the knowledge of history and mythicized accounts or opinions of the past for the sake of the implementation of a political agenda.So far, the concept of 'historical policy' has not yet become a clear academic category, which makes it difficult to agree what it actually encompasses. Still, the concept of 'historical policy' stands a chance of becoming an objective category in political science. Some professional historians may lean towards a certain skepticism, especially if they accept the traditional paradigm of studying the history of society.Misunderstandings regarding the issue of 'historical policy' sometimes result in a tendency to reject the possibility of this concept being applied by academics from the humanities and social fields of science. Recently, the issue of 'historical policy' has become of interest to political scientists, whose area of study involves the multiplicity of 'detailed policies.''Historical policy' is also discussed by many journalists who do not always present deepened reflections and concrete attitudes, as they rather tend to express their subjective views. It turns out that some Polish historians, political scientists and journalists are embroiled in the current political dispute in Poland. They frequently assume the role of lobbyists or opponents of one option of historical policy or another. The issue of historical policy requires analysis and explanation in an objective and multidisciplinary manner. It is a positive phenomenon that more and more publications with academic aspirations are emerging on this subject in Poland. One should recommend the cooperation between political scientists and historians in order to review and reliably explain planned and executed historical policy in a comparative manner.
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In: Program badawczy: Podstawowe dylematy teoretyczne nowej konstytucji RP
In: Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis 2362
In: Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, Band 19, Heft 1, S. 239-260
ISSN: 2719-2911
The change in the nature and ways of using military force in international politics at the end of the 20th century led to the development of new methods of cooperation between states. The circle of entities influencing diplomatic activities, apart from political and military institutions, expanded to include also civil and non-governmental centers. This raised questions about the scale of their actual impact on shaping international security and about the areas in which they were most active. This article aims to present the activities of Polish think tanks for defense diplomacy. Assuming that they showed commitment in this respect, the areas of activities they undertook were identified and the recipients to which they were addressed were pointed out. The analysis was based on data obtained as a result of a survey conducted at the turn of 2019-2020 on a group of fifteen Polish expert think tanks2 operating in the field of international relations, political science, and security and defense. The research used a comparative method (comparative studies), content analysis and a survey method. The tool with which the study was conducted was an electronic questionnaire developed in the Survio program. For the purposes of these analyzes, a hypothesis was adopted that non-political entities in the form of think tanks play an important role in activities for security. They address their activities to political, military and social circles, but the public and scientific circles benefit to the greatest extent from their expert potential.
Paul Hamilton przedstawił w książce Realpoetik… pomysłową próbę rewizji europejskiego romantyzmu. W swoim komparatystycznym studium zinterpretował twórczość niemieckich, francuskich i włoskich romantyków jako silnie, choć aluzyjnie upolitycznione (uwarunkowania i konsekwencje kongresu wiedeńskiego stanowią najważniejszy kontekst dla wywodów brytyjskiego badacza) rozwinięcie dawniejszego etosu republiki uczonych, a zarazem świadectwo polemicznej lektury filozofii Immanuela Kanta, przede wszystkim zaś Krytyki władzy sądzenia. Artykuł podejmuje próbę przetestowania poręczności koncepcji Hamiltona w refleksji nad literaturą polskiego romantyzmu. Istnieje wiele przeszkód w łatwej asymilacji tytułowej idei Realpoetik. Są nimi m.in. słaba i z reguły nieufna recepcja pism Kanta, ograniczona żywotność brytyjskich kontekstów literackich, stanowiących dla Hamiltona kluczowy, negatywny punkt odniesienia, oraz, być może przede wszystkim, naturalna i niewymagająca szerokich uzasadnień polityczność rodzimego romantyzmu. Na przykładzie twórczości Maurycego Mochnackiego można wykazać, że pomimo trudności w zastosowaniu tez z książki Realpoetik… na rodzimym gruncie, mogą się one okazać inspirujące w lekturze dzieł polskich romantyków, a nawet więcej, uzupełniają obraz nakreślony przez Hamiltona o ważną, a przemilczaną słowiańską perspektywę. ; In his book Realpoetik. Paul Hamilton presents an ingenious attempt at a revision of European Romanticism. This comparative study interprets the works of German, French, and Italian romanticists as a strong, allusively politicized (for Hamilton the conditions and consequences of the Congress of Vienna are the most important context) development of the former ethos of the republic of letters, and at the same time evidence of polemic reading of Kant's philosophy, especially Critique of Judgment. The paper attempts to present the usefulness of Hamilton's concepts in the reflection on the Polish romantic literature. There are many obstacles that prevent an easy assimilation of Realpoetik, the title idea, such as poor and typically distrustful reception of Kant's philosophy, the limited liveliness of the British literary contexts (which are Hamilton's major negative point of reference), and, perhaps most importantly, the heavily political Polish Romanticism. The example of Maurycy Mochnacki allows to show that despite the difficulties with applying the theses from Realpoetik… on the Polish ground, they can still prove to be inspiring in reading the works of the Polish romanticists, and moreover, they complete the picture presented by Hamilton with an important, Slavonic perspective.
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In: Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe: Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, Band 19, Heft 4, S. 127-149
The Republic of Kosovo was created several years after the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Its problems were visible during Josip Broz Tito's presidency. Over the last ten years Kosovo has had two female presidents. The question is, what is the position of women on the Kosovan political scene? This phenomenon is particularly significant from the point of view of the post-conflict reconstruction of the state. The aim of this article is to analyse the evolution of the role of Kosovo Albanian women in the politics of Kosovo at the central level. For this reason, the article includes women involved in the armed conflict in Kosovo, especially in the activities of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA, alb. Ushtria Çlirimtare e Kosovës, UÇK). The author also presents the role of women in the Kosovan political arena since 1999, with particular emphasis on changes that took place after the declaration of independence of Kosovo. Furthermore, the author examines the profiles of selected female politicians. The article is based on an analysis of primary and secondary sources, the comparative and historical method, and an analysis of statistical data.
Zmiana instytucjonalna jest nieodłącznym procesem wpisującym się w rozwój społeczeństwa i gospodarki. Najistotniejszym procesem w ramach transformacji instytucji wydaje się dopasowywanie (się) instytucji formalnych i nieformalnych. Jest to niezbędne, aby system instytucjonalny działał sprawnie, aby generował odpowiednie bodźce na rzecz aktywności gospodarczej (niski koszt transakcyjny, przewidywalność, zaufanie). Efektem takich dostosowań jest ład instytucjonalny, który jest warunkiem trwałości rozwoju gospodarczego. Cechą instytucji jest długookresowe trwanie, choć jednocześnie odbywa się ich nieprzerwana ewolucja. Powstaje pytanie, w jaki sposób kształtuje się ład instytucjonalny, jaką rolę odgrywają w nim instytucje nieformalne. Za cel artykułu przyjęto określenie roli instytucji nieformalnych w kreowaniu ładu instytucjonalnego. Można wysunąć przypuszczenie, że instytucje nieformalne wraz z upływem czasu stają się trwałą podstawą ładu instytucjonalnego. W artykule wskazano również przejawy niesprawności systemu instytucji w Polsce, w tym instytucji nieformalnych. ; Institutional change is an integral process in the development of the society and economy. The seemingly most significant process in the transformation of institutions is the adjustment (also, mutual adjustment) of formal and informal institutions. This is critical to the proper functioning of the institutional system, so that it generates sufficient stimuli for economic activity (low transaction costs, predictability, trust). The result of such adjustments is institutional order which is a prerequisite of sustainable economic growth. One of the features of imitations is their longevity, even though they are constantly evolving. The question arises about how institutional order is formed and what the role of informal institution in this process is. The aim of the article is to determine the role of informal institutions in the formation of institutional order. It is possible that, given time, informal institutions become a solid foundation of institutional order. The article also indicates signs of irregularities in the institutional system in Poland, including in informal institutions. ; gruszad@gmail.com ; Uniwersytet w Białymstoku ; Aoki M., 2001, Toward a Comparative Institutional Analysis, MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, London ; Boettke P.J., Coyne Ch.J., Leeson P.T., 2008, Institutional stickiness and the New Development Economics, American Journal of Economics & Sociology, vol. 67, iss. 2 ; Bossak J.W., 2008, Instytucje, rynki i konkurencja we współczesnym świecie, SGH, Warszawa ; Casson M.C., Della Giusta M., Kambhampati U.S., 2010, Formal and informal institutions and development, World Development, vol. 38, no. 2 ; Chavance B., 2008, Formal and informal institutional change: the experience of postsocialist transformation, The European Journal of Comparative Economics, vol. 5, no. 1 ; Eggertsson T., 2006, On the survival of imperfect institutions, Revista de Análisis Económico, vol. 21, no. 2. ; Gardocka A., 2005, Kultura ekonomiczna jako instytucja, [w:] Teoretyczne aspekty gospodarowania, red. 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Grabska, M. Moszyński, WN PWN, Warszawa ; Meredyk K., 2014, Ład gospodarczy jako kategoria ekonomiczna, [w:] Spontaniczne i stanowione elementy ładu gospodarczego w procesie transformacji – dryf ładu czy jego doskonalenie?, red.P. Pysz, A. Grabska, M. 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In: Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, Band 19, Heft 2, S. 81-98
ISSN: 2719-2911
The paper presents the scope and scale of transformation of the defense industries of Central Eastern Europe (CEE) countries after the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the USSR. The starting point is the role and position of the armaments economy sector (armaments economy environment), embedded in the realities of the centrally planned economy, and its submission to the politics of the USSR. The turn of the centuries was a period of political and economic transformation conducted during the conditions of a deep economic recession. The defense industry was one of the economic sectors most affected by the crisis. The economic and defense policy of CEE countries was aimed at preserving the capabilities of the armaments sector. Restructuring activities initiated and forced by the change of the political and economic environment have already brought noticeable effects, even though the process has not yet been completed. Defense industry enterprises have become entities operating on the same terms and conditions as other companies on the competitive market. The method of comparative analysis and a case study supplemented with elements of descriptive statistics were used to evaluate the course of the processes. The study has been focused on the analysis of the course of the changes and examination of effects of the analyzed phenomena for the economy and defense of the CEE countries, taking into account primarily their scale and scope.
In: Studia Politologiczne, Heft 61/2021, S. 100-120
Political leadership is among the fundamental political-science categories, it remains to be defined clearly as a phenomenon. Nevertheless, as the years have passed, conditions in and around political systems have given rise to leadership models models describable in line with a triad of change from traditional leadership to marketing-oriented leadership and then to neo-leadership. The innovative definition of the latter has then been brought together with considerations of political image, with the resultant category then proving of interest to those researching either the political, or the sociological, or the communicological perspectives. The images of all key players in politics are both created and managed, while leadership that is actually effective or perceived to be so is essential if political power and support are to be built and maintained. The example of Polish President Andrzej Duda is here used in an analysis of the image of Head of State, in the circumstances of the 2015–2020 period overall, as well as the 2020 (re-) election campaign. This is done with a view to answering a general question regarding the extent to which a given politician (and here A. Duda specifically) is the creator or the prisoner of his/her own image. Account is thus taken of the factors shaping the image of this particular President (i.e. advisors and family, the media and the electorate). While the conclusions obtained here are not unequivocal, they do open up new questions relating to the future of leadership in times of crises and the existence of major populist movements. Consideration of these issues is here based mainly on the comparative and historical methods.
The paper presents academic achievements of traditional institutionalism, the first scientific approach in political science, which was developed since the second part of the 19th century in USA, Great Britain, Germany and France. The author argues that this orientation had a creative influence on the progress of the discipline, however this impact is not appreciated by contemporary studies in the field of political science and political theory where limited understanding of the old institutionalism is promoted. The revision of this state of affairs has shown that, apart from the analysis of formal structures and institutions of state power, the traditionalists also have studied political parties (A. L. Lowell), interest groups (T. Eschenburg), public opinion (J. Bryce) and informal socio-political phenomena such as influence (C. J. Friedrich). Additionally, the first institutionalists formed the foundations for methodological self-consciousness of young political science and forged concepts that have been verified by subsequent generations of political scientists. They also conducted the first comparative studies of political systems (H. Finer, C. J. Friedrich). Many of these scholars went beyond pure theory by linking their reflections with planning and reforming political institutions. In this context, the author discusses research on relations between politics and administration (F. J. Goodnow), considerations on demonopolization of power (H. J. Laski) and refers to the debate on efficiency of different branches of government (e.g. in Poland after passing the March Constitution of 1921).
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The paper presents academic achievements of traditional institutionalism, the first scientific approach in political science, which was developed since the second part of the 19th century in USA, Great Britain, Germany and France. The author argues that this orientation had a creative influence on the progress of the discipline, however this impact is not appreciated by contemporary studies in the field of political science and political theory where limited understanding of the old institutionalism is promoted. The revision of this state of affairs has shown that, apart from the analysis of formal structures and institutions of state power, the traditionalists also have studied political parties (A. L. Lowell), interest groups (T. Eschenburg), public opinion (J. Bryce) and informal socio-political phenomena such as influence (C. J. Friedrich). Additionally, the first institutionalists formed the foundations for methodological self-consciousness of young political science and forged concepts that have been verified by subsequent generations of political scientists. They also conducted the first comparative studies of political systems (H. Finer, C. J. Friedrich). Many of these scholars went beyond pure theory by linking their reflections with planning and reforming political institutions. In this context, the author discusses research on relations between politics and administration (F. J. Goodnow), considerations on demonopolization of power (H. J. Laski) and refers to the debate on efficiency of different branches of government (e.g. in Poland after passing the March Constitution of 1921).
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