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City University of New York, Political Science Program ; 1.1968 - ; Gesehen am 24.06.2021

Comparative Politics: A Policy Approach is a unique text in that it integrates a comprehensive study of eight nations with critical policy issues facing those nations. The individual chapters on the United States, the United Kingdom, the Russian Federation, Japan, China, Mexico, South Africa and Iraq provide a wide-ranging examination of nations that are representative of the diversity in decision-making frameworks and political development in the international community. Comparative Politics: A Policy Approach is designed to guide the reader through a series of discussions on key political milestones in the nation's history, the structure of government, the relationship of citizen to state, the role played by political parties, groups and elections, the shape and influence of the political elite, the current status of the political economy and the future direction of the nation in a global environment. The author accents the importance of comparative links among the various countries and uses supplementary data to deepen understanding of the governing climate, political conditions, and most importantly the policy challenges facing each of the eight nations. Comparative Politics: A Policy Approach is an up to date, thorough, and readable examination of eight nations that are in the forefront of government and politics in the world today. ; https://vc.bridgew.edu/fac_books/1064/thumbnail.jpg

The present text is, basically, a revision of democratic theory from the perspective of its inadequacies for including into its scope many of the recently democratized countries, as well as some older democracies located outside of the Northwestern quadrant of the world. After warning that it is a first step in a larger and more ambitious endeavor, the paper begins by critically examining various definitions of democracy, especially those that, claiming to follow Schumpeter, are deemed to be minimalist, or procesualist. On this basis, a realistic and restricted, but not minimalist, definition of a democratic regime is proposed. After this step, the connections of this topic with several others are explored, including political, social, and welfare rights; the state, especially in its legal dimension; and some characteristics of the overall social context. The main grounding factor that results from these explorations is the conception of agency, especially as it is expressed in the legal system of existing democracies - although the effectiveness of this system and of its underlying conceptions of agency vary quite widely across cases. The approach of the text emphasizes legal and historical factors, while also tracing, in several comparative excursi, some important differences among various kinds of cases. The main conclusions are stated in several propositions, the major thrust of which entails an invitation toward a theoretically disciplined broadening of the analytical and comparative scope of contemporary democratic theory.

Economists and Political scientists have suggested for a long time that democracy and the environment are linked. What they did not analyze in detail is ifthe way in which politicians are elected influences the environment as well. Thescope of this paper is to fill this gap. Using high quality data on a cross section of countries, coming from previous studies, we find strong results suggestingthat politicians in majoritarian systems are less interested in environmental commitments than those in proportional representations. The consequence is thatenvironmental commitments are lower in the former system than in the latter.

This article offers a revision of democratic theory in light of the experience of recently democratized countries, located outside of the northwestern quadrant of the world. First, various definitions of democracy that claim to follow Schumpeter and are usually considered to be "minimalist" or "processualist" are critically examined. Building upon but clarifying these conceptual efforts, a realistic and restricted, but not minimalist, definition of a democratic regime is proposed. Thereafter, this article argues that democracy should be analyzed not only at the level of the political regime but also in relation to the state—especially the state qua legal system—and to certain aspects of the overall social context. The main underlying theme that runs through this article is the concept of agency, especially as it is expressed in the legal system of existing democracies.

On the basis of a broad sample of quantitative studies in comparative politics, published in leading academic journals between 1989 and 2007, this paper offers an empirical radiography of data usage in comparative empirical research. It provides systematic information about the structure of quantitative comparative research (by research design, geographic focus and subject area), and presents disaggregate data on the use of country-specific and region-specific datasets, on the importance of author-constructed datasets, and on the reliance of thematic subfields on particular datasets. Its empirical findings put into question cherished assumptions about the nature of quantitative comparative politics. ; El presente documento ofrece una radiografía empírica del uso de datos en los estudios cuantitativos de política comparada. Se basa en una muestra amplia de estudios publicados en revistas académicas de punta entre 1989 y 2007. Después de presentar información sistemática sobre la estructura de la política comparada cuantitativa (diseños de investigación, cobertura geográfica y área temática), el trabajo presenta datos desagregados sobre el uso de bases de datos regionales y nacionales, sobre la relevancia de datos producidos por los autores mismos y sobre la frecuencia de empleo de bases de datos particulares en diferentes áreas sustantivas de investigación. Los hallazgos empíricos del documento ponen en duda varias ideas convencionales sobre la naturaleza de la política comparada cuantitativa.

The Annual Editions series is designed to provide convenient, inexpensive access to a wide range of current articles from some of the most respected magazines, newspapers, and journals published today. Annual Editions are updated on a regular basis through a continuous monitoring of over 300 periodical sources. The articles selected are authored by prominent scholars, researchers, and commentators writing for a general audience. Annual Editions volumes have a number of organizational features designed to make them especially valuable for classroom use: a general introduction; an annotated table of contents; a topic guide; an annotated listing of supporting World Wide Web sites; Learning Outcomes and a brief overview at the beginning of each unit; and a Critical Thinking section at the end of each article. Each volume also offers an online Instructor's Resource Guide with testing materials. Using Annual Editions in the Classroom is a general guide that provides a number of interesting and functional ideas for using Annual Editions readers in the classroom.

Includes bibliographical references. ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44

This article synthesises psychology, economics and political science theories that can explain market reaction to elections. In order to test the theories, we conduct event studies of the impact of elections on the interest rates on government bonds for 122 elections in 19 countries. The efficient market hypothesis states that rational markets immediately incorporate all information relevant to asset prices. According to psychology, human decision-making is quasi-rational. Market actors should be slow to accept evidence that conflicts with previously held opinions, leading them to under-react to new information. We show that markets under-react to elections and that under-reaction is greater in majoritarian countries because they provide more information to the market. Assuming fully rational markets underestimates the impact of elections and variations in impact across political systems. Most of the literature on market constraint assumes rational markets and may thus be underestimating the extent of market pressure in the aftermath of elections and its distribution across different types of electoral systems. Our results suggest that markets can calculate risk around elections, but are slow to do so, thereby suggesting that the role of uncertainty and the resort to heuristics is relatively minor.

COVID-19 is the most significant global crisis of any of our lifetimes. The numbers have been stupefying, whether of infection and mortality, the scale of public health measures, or the economic consequences of shutdown. Coronavirus Politics identifies key threads in the global comparative discussion that continue to shed light on COVID-19 and shape debates about what it means for scholarship in health and comparative politics. Editors Scott L. Greer, Elizabeth J. King, Elize Massard da Fonseca, and André Peralta-Santos bring together over 30 authors versed in politics and the health issues in order to understand the health policy decisions, the public health interventions, the social policy decisions, their interactions, and the reasons. The book's coverage is global, with a wide range of key and exemplary countries, and contains a mixture of comparative, thematic, and templated country studies. All go beyond reporting and monitoring to develop explanations that draw on the authors' expertise while engaging in structured conversations across the book.

В исследовательской литературе Европейский Союз (ЕС) анализируются с различных теоретических точек зрения. В рамках исследований международных отношений ЕС представляется как международная организация или конфедерация, в то время как с сточки зрения сравнительной политологии ЕС может рассматриваться и как более интегрированная общность, федерация, квази-государство или формирующееся государство. Новые подходы, например, в рамках школы управления, рассматривают ЕС как своеобразную структуру, уникальную общность, новую, пока еще только формирующуюся систему управления без правительства. Однако на данном этапе развития ЕС проявляет черты характерные скорее для федеральной структуры. В ЕС можно найти проявления двух ведущих моделей федерализма – дуального и кооперативного. Следовательно, сравнительный метод представляется наиболее подходящим инструментом анализа специфики ЕС. ; In the academic literature the European Union (EU) is analysed from different theoretical perspectives. Taking the perspective of international relations, the EU emerges as an international organization or a confederation; on the other hand, looking from the perspective of comparative politics, the EU presents itself as a more integrated entity, a federation, a quasi-state or a state in the making. The recent perspective, i.e. the governance school, sees the EU as an original structure, a sui generis entity, a new, emerging system of governance without government. However, at the present stage of development, the EU reveals features that are characteristic for the federal structure, i.e. the federal political system characterised by two leading models of dual and cooperative federalism, hence the comparative method seems to be the most appropriate as a research tool.

The aim of this paper is to sketch an overview of Comparative Politics and discuss the major analytical and conceptual systems under which comparativists conduct their research. It presents some of the basic problems one has to face in attempting to understand evolution of key overarching generalized dichotomies established by problem-solving and critical Comparative Politics (developed-developing and North-South).

Disappointment with international efforts to find legal solutions to climate change has led to the emergence of a new generation of climate policy. This includes the emergence of courts as new 'battlefields in climate fights'. Cross-national comparative analysis of the United Kingdom, Canada and Australia supplements research that has found that litigation plays an important governance gap-filling role in jurisdictions without comprehensive national-level climate change policies. The inductive research design identifies patterns in climate change litigation. The three countries illustrate the varieties of climate policies, and thus serve as a useful entry point for thinking more generally about the interplay between climate politics and legal mobilisation. To improve theoretical understandings of the role of courts in climate change politics, the range of litigants and the variety of cases brought to courts under the umbrella of the term 'climate change litigation' are identified.

This paper proves that automatic translation of multilingual newspaper documents deters neither human nor computer classification of political concepts. We show how theory-driven coding of newspaper text can be automated in several languages by monolingual researchers. Supervised machine learning is successfully applied to text in English from British, Spanish and German sources. The paper has three main findings. First, results from human coding directly in a foreign language do not differ from coding computer-translated text. Second, humans can code translated text as well as they can code untranslated prose in their mother tongue. Third, machine learning based on translated Spanish and German training sets can reproduce human coding as accurately as a system learning from English training sets.

By highlighting the many ways that constitutions vary, comparative constitutional law raises interesting and important causal questions: What explains cross-national constitutional variation, and what are the real-world consequences of different constitutional arrangements? But comparative constitutional law scholarship so far has done relatively little to address these issues of constitutional causes and consequences in a rigorous manner. In this paper, I argue that scholars have much to gain from taking causality seriously in comparative constitutional law, and I suggest that scholarship on comparative politics and comparative political economy provides useful insights about how this might be done. First, I provide an overview of recent comparative constitutional law scholarship to highlight the pervasive issues of causality that it raises. Second, I introduce some of the interesting work that political scientists and economists have done on comparative constitutional law. They are asking questions about the origins and consequences of constitutions that are similar to those raised in comparative constitutional law scholarship - but they are framing them in explicitly causal terms, developing positive theories about cause-and-effect relationships, and testing them empirically using social science methods of inference. Third, I illustrate one such method that can be used to address causal claims and causal questions in comparative constitutional law. Using regression analysis of cross-national data on constitutions, government spending, and other institutional, demographic and economic factors in 80 democracies, I test a series of hypotheses about the effects of different constitutional arrangements on government spending. I also show how multiplicative interaction terms can be used to model and empirically test for conditional relationships between constitutions and various political, social or economic outcomes. I conclude with a proposed agenda for empirical comparative constitutional law, outlining its theoretical, methodological and pedagogical implications.