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In: Bibliothèque de droit international et communautaire 125
In: Colloques Jean Monnet
In: Collection Colloques Jean Monnet
Couverture -- Titre -- Copyright -- Collection -- Préface -- Bernard Stirn -- Sommaire -- Propos introductifs. Le statut d'état membre et le cadre constitutionnel de l'union européenne -- Laurence Potvin-Solis -- I. L'institutionnalisation de la condition juridique de l'État membre par un statut supranational -- A. Le statut d'État membre et l'imbrication constitutionnelle entre les ordres juridiques -- B. Le statut d'État membre et les tensions constitutionnelles entre les ordres juridiques -- II. L'interdépendance entre la nature supranationale de l'Union et le statut d'État membre -- A. Un statut d'intégration dans un ordre juridique intégré -- B. La nature politico-juridique du statut d'État membre et la singularité de l'Union -- III. La jonction des tensions constitutionnelles par la complétude du statut d'État membre -- Session I -- L'ancrage des engagements de l'État membre dans l'ordre constitutionnel de l'Union -- Le statut d'État membre de l'Union européenne. L'acceptation de la primauté -- Nicole Belloubet -- Introduction -- I. Les voies de la primauté déjà esquissées -- II. Les pistes à ouvrir -- Conclusion -- L'adéquation des systèmes juridiques des États membres à l'appartenance à l'Union européenne -- Joël Rideau -- Introduction -- I. Le caractère obligatoire ou facultatif de l'adéquation des systèmes juridiques nationaux -- II. Les instruments nationaux d'adéquation -- III. Les cibles majeures des adéquations -- Conclusion -- Le respect des valeurs communes : démocratie, État de droit et respect des droits de l'homme -- Henri Oberdorff -- Introduction -- I. Le respect des valeurs de l'Union européenne dans les États membres par une pluralité de contrôles
International audience ; Because they represent actually in Morocco a growing interest for government and consumers, judicial police missions of the inspector's agents in food law deserve study. Without a doubt, respect for the legal food imperatives depends upon the existing of criminal penalties sufficiently dissuasive, but also to the effective policies actions of the competent authorities in matters of food. For this reason, the authorized inspectors agents must have a perfect mastery of the rules of procedure related to the judicial police, must know all food criminal offences in force and their penalties and finally must understand the current and future issues of the judicial police in Moroccan food law. It is in the aim of these objectives that our study was conducted. It will review the main requirements of the texts of the Moroccan penal law, will bring some analyzes, directives and recommendations to the authorized agents of control and to the competent authority in charge of the repression. ; Parce qu'elles représentent aujourd'hui au Maroc un intérêt grandissant pour les pouvoirs publics et les consommateurs, les missions de la police judiciaire des agents habilités en droit alimentaire méritent réflexion. Incontestablement, le respect des textes juridiques alimentaires est subordonné à l'existence de sanctions dissuasives mais aussi à des actions efficaces de la police judicaire des autorités compétentes en matière alimentaire. A ce titre, les agents habilités à contrôler doivent avoir une maitrise parfaite des règles de procédures liées à la police judiciaire, doivent aussi connaitre toutes les infractions pénales alimentaires en vigueur et leurs sanctions et enfin doivent comprendre les enjeux actuels et futurs de la police judiciaire en droit alimentaire marocain. C'est dans la visée de ces objectifs que notre étude a été menée. Elle passera en revue les principales exigences des textes du droit pénal alimentaire marocain, apportera quelques analyses, directives et recommandations aux agents ...
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In the European context, the legal treatment of relationships of persons in motion is of particular interest. Indeed, the founding texts of the European Union enshrine a principle of freedom of movement which is understood as the possibility for people to move, in principle without restriction, throughout the territory of the Member States. Technically, however, people who move internationally are confronted with the legal effects of their movement, i.e. very simply with the transition from one national legal system to another. This raises the question of the applicable law and sometimes also of the competent authority to regulate these "circulation relationships". This dissertation proposes to answer this question by following a methodological approach, through the study of the main methods of application of the law identifiable in the European jurisdiction, namely EU substantive law, onflicts of laws rules and the principle of mutual recognition. It is also an opportunity, more generally, to reflect on the contours and essence of EU law on free movement, in which private international law has its place. In this context, the legal treatment of the movement of persons in the Union is approached in two stages. Firstly, the methodological issues of the legal treatment of movement are presented and discussed, showing how each of the methods intervenes in the regulation of "movement relationships" and what difficulties they encounter in implementation. Secondly, it is proposed to rethink these methods by relying on certain common values of the Union, shared by the European citizens and which constitues the essence of European integration: respect for human dignity, freedom, equality. Concrete proposals for the development of EU law are formulated. ; Dans le contexte européen, le traitement juridique des rapports personnels de circulation retient l'attention. En effet, les textes fondateurs de l'Union européenne consacrent un principe de libre circulation qu'il faut comprendre comme une possibilité offerte aux ...
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In the European context, the legal treatment of relationships of persons in motion is of particular interest. Indeed, the founding texts of the European Union enshrine a principle of freedom of movement which is understood as the possibility for people to move, in principle without restriction, throughout the territory of the Member States. Technically, however, people who move internationally are confronted with the legal effects of their movement, i.e. very simply with the transition from one national legal system to another. This raises the question of the applicable law and sometimes also of the competent authority to regulate these "circulation relationships". This dissertation proposes to answer this question by following a methodological approach, through the study of the main methods of application of the law identifiable in the European jurisdiction, namely EU substantive law, onflicts of laws rules and the principle of mutual recognition. It is also an opportunity, more generally, to reflect on the contours and essence of EU law on free movement, in which private international law has its place. In this context, the legal treatment of the movement of persons in the Union is approached in two stages. Firstly, the methodological issues of the legal treatment of movement are presented and discussed, showing how each of the methods intervenes in the regulation of "movement relationships" and what difficulties they encounter in implementation. Secondly, it is proposed to rethink these methods by relying on certain common values of the Union, shared by the European citizens and which constitues the essence of European integration: respect for human dignity, freedom, equality. Concrete proposals for the development of EU law are formulated. ; Dans le contexte européen, le traitement juridique des rapports personnels de circulation retient l'attention. En effet, les textes fondateurs de l'Union européenne consacrent un principe de libre circulation qu'il faut comprendre comme une possibilité offerte aux ...
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In the European context, the legal treatment of relationships of persons in motion is of particular interest. Indeed, the founding texts of the European Union enshrine a principle of freedom of movement which is understood as the possibility for people to move, in principle without restriction, throughout the territory of the Member States. Technically, however, people who move internationally are confronted with the legal effects of their movement, i.e. very simply with the transition from one national legal system to another. This raises the question of the applicable law and sometimes also of the competent authority to regulate these "circulation relationships". This dissertation proposes to answer this question by following a methodological approach, through the study of the main methods of application of the law identifiable in the European jurisdiction, namely EU substantive law, onflicts of laws rules and the principle of mutual recognition. It is also an opportunity, more generally, to reflect on the contours and essence of EU law on free movement, in which private international law has its place. In this context, the legal treatment of the movement of persons in the Union is approached in two stages. Firstly, the methodological issues of the legal treatment of movement are presented and discussed, showing how each of the methods intervenes in the regulation of "movement relationships" and what difficulties they encounter in implementation. Secondly, it is proposed to rethink these methods by relying on certain common values of the Union, shared by the European citizens and which constitues the essence of European integration: respect for human dignity, freedom, equality. Concrete proposals for the development of EU law are formulated. ; Dans le contexte européen, le traitement juridique des rapports personnels de circulation retient l'attention. En effet, les textes fondateurs de l'Union européenne consacrent un principe de libre circulation qu'il faut comprendre comme une possibilité offerte aux ...
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The civile security became a right of the modern society of which public authorities has to assure. To answer it, the notion and the methods of management of the crisis developed. The Government his representative in departments (the prefect) assure the security of the persons, the properties and the environment. The prefect of department is the major personality to manage the crisis on the territory of the department, subject to the powers of the mayor first leader of management of the crises connected to the municipality. The prefect of zone becomes the competent authority for the large-scale crises exceeding the department or of his means. The crisis management includes three phases: before the crisis ( prevention and planinig), during the crisis ( direction and coordination of the actions of various actors and communication of the crisis). At this stage the implementation of a crisis unit by the director of crisis in essential. The third phase concerns the management post office-crisis ( material and psychological assistant and support for the victims and the progressive return in the normal life. ; La sécurité civile est devenue un droit de la société moderne dont les pouvoirs publics doivent assurer. Pour y répondre, la notion et les méthodes de gestion des crises ont développés. Le Gouvernement et son représentant dans les départements (le préfet) assurent la sécurité des personnes, des biens et de l'environnement. Le préfet de département est la personnalité incontournable pour gérer les crises surviennent sur le territoire de département, sous réserve des pouvoirs du maire premier chef de gestion des crises liées à la commune. Le préfet de zone devient l'autorité administrative compétente pour les crises de grande ampleur dépassant le département ou de ses moyens. La gestion de crise comprend trois phases : avant la crise (prévention et planification), pendant la crise (direction et coordination des actions de différents acteurs et communication de la crise). A ce stade la mise en place d'une cellule de ...
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The civile security became a right of the modern society of which public authorities has to assure. To answer it, the notion and the methods of management of the crisis developed. The Government his representative in departments (the prefect) assure the security of the persons, the properties and the environment. The prefect of department is the major personality to manage the crisis on the territory of the department, subject to the powers of the mayor first leader of management of the crises connected to the municipality. The prefect of zone becomes the competent authority for the large-scale crises exceeding the department or of his means. The crisis management includes three phases: before the crisis ( prevention and planinig), during the crisis ( direction and coordination of the actions of various actors and communication of the crisis). At this stage the implementation of a crisis unit by the director of crisis in essential. The third phase concerns the management post office-crisis ( material and psychological assistant and support for the victims and the progressive return in the normal life. ; La sécurité civile est devenue un droit de la société moderne dont les pouvoirs publics doivent assurer. Pour y répondre, la notion et les méthodes de gestion des crises ont développés. Le Gouvernement et son représentant dans les départements (le préfet) assurent la sécurité des personnes, des biens et de l'environnement. Le préfet de département est la personnalité incontournable pour gérer les crises surviennent sur le territoire de département, sous réserve des pouvoirs du maire premier chef de gestion des crises liées à la commune. Le préfet de zone devient l'autorité administrative compétente pour les crises de grande ampleur dépassant le département ou de ses moyens. La gestion de crise comprend trois phases : avant la crise (prévention et planification), pendant la crise (direction et coordination des actions de différents acteurs et communication de la crise). A ce stade la mise en place d'une cellule de ...
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To cope with the circumstances of the Second World War and to satisfy the new ideology in power, the Vichy government (1940-1944) implements a policy directing the economy which confuses the jurist. Facing the silence of the legislator and in order to determine the applicable law and the competent jurisdiction, the authors, both publicists and privatists, divide themselves as well as the judges, whether administrative or judicial, on the legal categories in which the realities of state-controlled economy should be classified. The conditions are favorable for a paradigmatic revolution in administrative law because no concept in this field seems able to withstand the shock of the events. However, the issues of qualifying the new economic realities are addressed in continuity. The hypothesis of a third (economic or professional) law appearing, with authority over management bodies and activities, is rejected. To support a sound administration of justice and to foster the necessary balance between public and private interests, the Conseil d'Etat, followed by the Cour de Cassation, confirms the value of traditional concepts and accepts only certain developments in definying them. Vichy's State-directed economy thus reveals how strongly the traditional concepts of administrative law may resist and how its content, which is never definitively fixed, appears able to adjust to changes in social life. But above all, the phenomenon highlights the importance of past authority : jurists, conservative by nature, refuse to break with tradition. They prefer to maintain imperfect classifications, but of which they know the effects, rather than replacing them with new ones, which seem better, but whose real effectiveness they can doubt. ; Pour faire face aux circonstances de la Seconde guerre mondiale et satisfaire la nouvelle idéologie au pouvoir, le régime de Vichy (1940-1944) met en place une politique de direction de l'économie qui désempare le juriste. Dans le silence du législateur et afin de déterminer le droit applicable ...
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In 1881, Léon Gambetta denounced the partition of French territory in electoral constituencies as "a shattered mirror in which France could not recognize itself". The majoritarian system's significant flaw, as the latter necessarily implies the division of the national territory in electoral constituencies, is therefore gerrymandering, an arbitrary redistricting aiming at securing an advantage for the incumbent majority. Since it accounts for a subversion of majority's opinion expression, it requires a legal framework constraining an authority competent for redistricting process. In France and in Russia, the principle of electoral equality between citizens was hence constitutionalized. The present research paper in comparative law analyzes the sense and the impact of this principle, its relevance in light of the theory of representation as well as its eventual restrictions. The paper's aim is to question the efficiency of the principle of electoral equality between citizens as an arm against gerrymandering. Moreover, the paper thoroughly examines different approaches to the implementation of the principle of electoral equality between citizens as well as their recent evolution. Its implementation is the object of political, administrative and judicial review. Finally, the paper aims at comparative evaluation of the legal frameworks in France and in Russia. ; En 1881, Léon Gambetta dénonçait la partition de la France en circonscriptions conçue comme un « miroir brisé où la France n'aurait pas reconnu sa propre image ». Le défaut politique majeur du scrutin majoritaire, impliquant nécessairement le découpage du territoire national en circonscriptions, serait ainsi le gerrymandering : une délimitation arbitraire en vue de procurer un avantage à la majorité sortante. Face à cette possibilité de subversion de la volonté nationale, un encadrement juridique de la marge d'action de l'autorité chargée du découpage électoral s'impose. En France et en Russie, le principe d'égalité devant le suffrage, imposant la valeur ...
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How do citizens represent justice and its functioning? While litigants are a blind eye to current justice studies, this research, designed by a multidisciplinary team involving politicians, sociologists and lawyers, reflects the plurality of experiences, representations of justice, and links to law, justice and politic.First teaching: the interviewees express an ambivalent attachment to justice. Seen as a condition of living together, the authority of justice is generally recognised and accepted. However, expectations towards him are idealised and lead to negative disappointment and feelings: justice is too quick, for example in the case of immediate or too slow trials when deciding how to take custody of a child. Interviews show a great mismatch between what the law allows (the resolution of disputes by means of a sometimes complex legal technique) and the expectations of litigants who want the human, the individual and his/her singularity to be taken into account and ask for empathy and listening marks. Those who have been dealing with justice have felt more spectative than those involved in their trial — objects and not subjects of law. This criticism is directed at the magistrate and lawyer. Finally, the judicial institution is criticised for replicating, or even exacerbating, social inequalities. While trust in the institution is generally satisfactory, inequalities in access to the law and the judicial system are noted. The representations of criminal justice offer a clear contrast between abstract perceptions of excessive leniency and attitudes towards concrete cases where citizens are less punitive. In the context of the work on legal Consciousness studies, four types of relationship to law and justice are identified: 'defiant' people who have mostly experienced and mistrust the judicial system; people who perceive themselves as 'illegitimate', in the sense that they express relative trust but do not feel competent to pronounce themselves; 'distressing trusted' who declare themselves satisfied with the ...
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To cope with the circumstances of the Second World War and to satisfy the new ideology in power, the Vichy government (1940-1944) implements a policy directing the economy which confuses the jurist. Facing the silence of the legislator and in order to determine the applicable law and the competent jurisdiction, the authors, both publicists and privatists, divide themselves as well as the judges, whether administrative or judicial, on the legal categories in which the realities of state-controlled economy should be classified. The conditions are favorable for a paradigmatic revolution in administrative law because no concept in this field seems able to withstand the shock of the events. However, the issues of qualifying the new economic realities are addressed in continuity. The hypothesis of a third (economic or professional) law appearing, with authority over management bodies and activities, is rejected. To support a sound administration of justice and to foster the necessary balance between public and private interests, the Conseil d'Etat, followed by the Cour de Cassation, confirms the value of traditional concepts and accepts only certain developments in definying them. Vichy's State-directed economy thus reveals how strongly the traditional concepts of administrative law may resist and how its content, which is never definitively fixed, appears able to adjust to changes in social life. But above all, the phenomenon highlights the importance of past authority : jurists, conservative by nature, refuse to break with tradition. They prefer to maintain imperfect classifications, but of which they know the effects, rather than replacing them with new ones, which seem better, but whose real effectiveness they can doubt. ; Pour faire face aux circonstances de la Seconde guerre mondiale et satisfaire la nouvelle idéologie au pouvoir, le régime de Vichy (1940-1944) met en place une politique de direction de l'économie qui désempare le juriste. Dans le silence du législateur et afin de déterminer le droit applicable et la juridiction compétente, les auteurs, publicistes et privatistes, se divisent tout comme les juges, administratifs et judiciaires, sur les catégories juridiques dans lesquelles classer les réalités du dirigisme. Les conditions sont propices à une révolution paradigmatique du droit administratif car aucun des concepts de cette matière ne semble capable de résister au choc des événements. Pourtant, les questions de qualification sont résolues dans la continuité. L'hypothèse de l'apparition d'un troisième droit (économique ou professionnel), dont auraient relevé les organismes et les activités de direction, est rejetée. Au nom de la bonne administration de la justice et de la nécessité de préserver un équilibre entre les intérêts publics et privés, le Conseil d'Etat, suivi par la Cour de cassation, confirme la valeur des notions traditionnelles et n'accepte que certaines évolutions de définitions. Le dirigisme de Vichy révèle ainsi la force de résistance des concepts traditionnels du droit administratif, dont le contenu, jamais définitivement fixé, s'avère capable de s'adapter aux évolutions de la vie sociale. Mais le phénomène met surtout en lumière l'importance de l'autorité du passé : les juristes, conservateurs par nature, refusent de rompre avec la tradition. Ils préfèrent maintenir des classifications imparfaites, mais dont ils connaissent les effets, plutôt que de les remplacer par de nouvelles, d'apparence meilleures, mais dont ils peuvent douter de la véritable efficacité.
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In 1881, Léon Gambetta denounced the partition of French territory in electoral constituencies as "a shattered mirror in which France could not recognize itself". The majoritarian system's significant flaw, as the latter necessarily implies the division of the national territory in electoral constituencies, is therefore gerrymandering, an arbitrary redistricting aiming at securing an advantage for the incumbent majority. Since it accounts for a subversion of majority's opinion expression, it requires a legal framework constraining an authority competent for redistricting process. In France and in Russia, the principle of electoral equality between citizens was hence constitutionalized. The present research paper in comparative law analyzes the sense and the impact of this principle, its relevance in light of the theory of representation as well as its eventual restrictions. The paper's aim is to question the efficiency of the principle of electoral equality between citizens as an arm against gerrymandering. Moreover, the paper thoroughly examines different approaches to the implementation of the principle of electoral equality between citizens as well as their recent evolution. Its implementation is the object of political, administrative and judicial review. Finally, the paper aims at comparative evaluation of the legal frameworks in France and in Russia. ; En 1881, Léon Gambetta dénonçait la partition de la France en circonscriptions conçue comme un « miroir brisé où la France n'aurait pas reconnu sa propre image ». Le défaut politique majeur du scrutin majoritaire, impliquant nécessairement le découpage du territoire national en circonscriptions, serait ainsi le gerrymandering : une délimitation arbitraire en vue de procurer un avantage à la majorité sortante. Face à cette possibilité de subversion de la volonté nationale, un encadrement juridique de la marge d'action de l'autorité chargée du découpage électoral s'impose. En France et en Russie, le principe d'égalité devant le suffrage, imposant la valeur égale des voix de chaque citoyen, a été ainsi constitutionnalisé. La présente étude de droit comparé se propose d'analyser le sens et la portée de ce principe, ses relations avec la théorie de la représentation, ainsi que les dérogations qui lui sont apportées. Elle se donne l'objectif de discuter l'efficacité du principe d'égalité devant le suffrage comme moyen de lutte contre les délimitations arbitraires. L'analyse effectuée propose également, l'examen exhaustif des diverses approches à la mise en oeuvre du principe d'égalité devant le suffrage ainsi que leurs évolutions récentes. Cette mise en oeuvre se déroule dans le cadre du contrôle des autorités politiques, administratives et juridictionnelles. Une évaluation comparative de deux dispositifs analysés est enfin proposée.
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In 1881, Léon Gambetta denounced the partition of French territory in electoral constituencies as "a shattered mirror in which France could not recognize itself". The majoritarian system's significant flaw, as the latter necessarily implies the division of the national territory in electoral constituencies, is therefore gerrymandering, an arbitrary redistricting aiming at securing an advantage for the incumbent majority. Since it accounts for a subversion of majority's opinion expression, it requires a legal framework constraining an authority competent for redistricting process. In France and in Russia, the principle of electoral equality between citizens was hence constitutionalized. The present research paper in comparative law analyzes the sense and the impact of this principle, its relevance in light of the theory of representation as well as its eventual restrictions. The paper's aim is to question the efficiency of the principle of electoral equality between citizens as an arm against gerrymandering. Moreover, the paper thoroughly examines different approaches to the implementation of the principle of electoral equality between citizens as well as their recent evolution. Its implementation is the object of political, administrative and judicial review. Finally, the paper aims at comparative evaluation of the legal frameworks in France and in Russia. ; En 1881, Léon Gambetta dénonçait la partition de la France en circonscriptions conçue comme un « miroir brisé où la France n'aurait pas reconnu sa propre image ». Le défaut politique majeur du scrutin majoritaire, impliquant nécessairement le découpage du territoire national en circonscriptions, serait ainsi le gerrymandering : une délimitation arbitraire en vue de procurer un avantage à la majorité sortante. Face à cette possibilité de subversion de la volonté nationale, un encadrement juridique de la marge d'action de l'autorité chargée du découpage électoral s'impose. En France et en Russie, le principe d'égalité devant le suffrage, imposant la valeur égale des voix de chaque citoyen, a été ainsi constitutionnalisé. La présente étude de droit comparé se propose d'analyser le sens et la portée de ce principe, ses relations avec la théorie de la représentation, ainsi que les dérogations qui lui sont apportées. Elle se donne l'objectif de discuter l'efficacité du principe d'égalité devant le suffrage comme moyen de lutte contre les délimitations arbitraires. L'analyse effectuée propose également, l'examen exhaustif des diverses approches à la mise en oeuvre du principe d'égalité devant le suffrage ainsi que leurs évolutions récentes. Cette mise en oeuvre se déroule dans le cadre du contrôle des autorités politiques, administratives et juridictionnelles. Une évaluation comparative de deux dispositifs analysés est enfin proposée.
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