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Henjak looks into the phenomenon of party competition by referring to the works of the proponents of the theory of rational choice, which does not presuppose close links between political entrepreneurs & social groups. Henjak tries to prove that party competition has its temporal dimension within which parties have different goals that depend on their competitive situation. Henjak goes on to prove that various models of the analysis of party competition are to a large extent linked with the original assumptions that determine their explanatory power. In conclusion, Henjak outlines the factors determining the choice of the goals & the strategies of party competition, especially the factor of party organization. 14 References. Adapted from the source document.

This essay comparatively analyzes post-Yugoslav ethnic nationalist movements in Croatia and Serbia focusing on political uses of ethnic diasporas. The author examines the role of ethnic diasporas in the reconstruction of nationhood and legitimating new regimes; in new political discourses and also in the new political competition including internal competition within political arenas of the new nations, but also in the context of the rivalry between Serb and Croat nationalisms which did not end with the ending of the wars of Yugoslav succession. In addition, the author provides a brief genealogy of the Diaspora myth and concludes that, like all myths utilized in politics, this myth also entails contradictions that produce effects and outcomes which the initial political benefactors from this myth could not incalculate or fully control and eventually had to face certain undesirable consequences. Twenty years after the collapse of Yugoslavia, the political uses of ethnic diasporas still can be observed in the discourses and politics of ethnic nationalistic parties, although it is also clear that the appeal of the myth is diminishing. Adapted from the source document.

Summary Combined electoral systems were in expansion at the end of the 20th century and thus some authors considered them to be the electoral model for the future. Accordingly, there has been an increasing number of academic attempts to define and conceptualise these complex electoral systems. So far, two major interpretative streams emerged: structural (or mechanical) which is linked with Canadian scholars of election studies A. Blais and L. Massicotte, and the outcome-approach, largely developed by American scholars M.S. Shugart and P.M. Wattenberg. However, there is still much to add to these two interpretations. The author argues that a combined electoral system is specific for its combining of two elements: 1) the elections are based on two different levels of voting and of distribution of seats (name-based and list-based) and 2) they develop a specific model of voting -- with two votes per each voter (one for an individual candidate and the other for a list). When combined, these two elements create institutional setting for electoral competition, and thus the candidates and the parties are requested to develop more complex electoral strategies than in other types of electoral systems. Adapted from the source document.

The analyses of the process of transition in Serbia, made by some international institutions & organizations, have shown that the fundamental problems in our economy are ineffective institutions & necessity of overall infrastructure changes. The author considers that any significant economic growth in Serbia in the future is unrealistic in the unfavorable macro- & micro economic business environment. She emphasizes the necessity to implement institutional & infrastructure reforms, which should be the first postulate for growth of productivity & competitiveness of enterprises & national economy. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

The author researched the foreign direct investment flows, patterns & effects in conditions of regional economic integration in Europe. The foreign direct investment presence results in two effects: first, increase in competition, & second, creation of forward & backward linkages between domestic firms & foreign affiliates. The benefits of foreign direct investment for their host countries take the form of various types of externalities or spillovers (of technology, knowledge, productivity). The potential spillover benefits could be realized if domestic firms have the capacity to absorb foreign technologies & skills. References. Adapted from the source document.

In the article we analyze the election campaign processes for the European Parliament election in Slovenia in 2004. We emphasize different theoretical explanations of election campaigns, among which we synthesize three important sets of contents, defined as process-organizational, media & system elements of the campaign. In the article we analyze the existence of all mentioned contents, where we predict that we can talk about some sort of connection between the efficiency of the election campaign or the decision about the selection of the campaign elements & final election effects of final party success at the elections. On the basis of the exposed efficiency indicators & implemented analysis in the case of Slovenian election campaign for the European ejection we can not confirm the connectedness between different campaign activities & final election result between the competitive political parties. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

Does the division between "red" and "black" Croatia exist not only in ideological space but in actual geographical space? Which factors are associated with local and regional political behavior and political identities? This article uses spatial analysis to provide answers to these questions. Visual analysis is used as are multivariate models based on the idea of spatial dependence, i.e. spatial clustering and agglomeration. Units of analysis are municipalities and cities in Croatia. The analysis suggests that the most relevant factors are prior political choices of a locale and the political preferences of neighboring locales. Economic and demographic factors are not unimportant but are weaker determinants of the political choices of a county or city. The analysis suggests a high degree of local and regional fortification of political parties. The space for political competition is comparatively open in Slavonia, especially in its northwestern part. Adapted from the source document.

The paper explores the impact of innovativeness on the process of development. Innovativeness is perceived as an ability of transformation of the existing ideas into useful new forms or combinations that are multiplied & turned into technological innovations. The development guided by information technologies contributes to the accelerated increase in productivity, & unlike the previous technologies, it exerts impact on globalization by strengthening actual & financial relations. Not only that in-formation technologies incite trade in goods but they create information products of great market value. The author points to the fact that innovativeness does not only entail the economic dimension, but it involves all fields of life, producing an invaluable impact on social, educational, cultural & other trends. References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the latest developments in liberal democracy & the capitalist economy based on the examples of the works of Erich Weede & Klaus von Beyme. The tendency of alleviating economic & political competition is corroborated by means of an analysis of the phenomenon of a multiparty state & today's capitalist economy, which has been increasingly relying on rent-generated income rather than market competition. The author highlights the new strategies for the legitimation of liberal democracy by means of justice, as developed by John Rawls. Adapted from the source document.

This essay comparatively analyzes post-Yugoslav ethnic nationalist movements in Croatia and Serbia focusing on political uses of ethnic diasporas. The author examines the role of ethnic diasporas in the reconstruction of nationhood and legitimating new regimes; in new political discourses and also in the new political competition including internal competition within political arenas of the new nations, but also in the context of the rivalry between Serb and Croat nationalisms which did not end with the ending of the wars of Yugoslav succession. In addition, the author provides a brief genealogy of the Diaspora myth and concludes that, like all myths utilized in politics, this myth also entails contradictions that produce effects and outcomes which the initial political benefactors from this myth could not incalculate or fully control and eventually had to face certain undesirable consequences. Twenty years after the collapse of Yugoslavia, the political uses of ethnic diasporas still can be observed in the discourses and politics of ethnic nationalistic parties, although it is also clear that the appeal of the myth is diminishing. Adapted from the source document.

Autor analizira promjene izborne participacije i izbornog ponašanja u parlamentarnim izborima 2015. i 2016. u Hrvatskoj, kada su podrška novim strankama i izborna apstinencija dosegnuli najvišu razinu od 1990. Polazi od pretpostavke da birači novih stranaka i izborni apstinenti imaju sličan odnos prema političkom sustavu i elitama, ali da ih razlikuje percepcija vlastite mogućnosti utjecaja na politiku. Istodobno, birači novih i starih stranka slični su prema percepciji vlastitih mogućnosti utjecaja na politiku, ali se razlikuju odnosom prema prevladavajućima političkim rascjepima, političkom sustavu i političkim elitama. Autor testira te pretpostavke koristeći rezultate anketnih istraživanja koja su provedena neposredno nakon izbora 2015. i 2016. Rezultati analize potvrđuju očekivanja o razlikama među biračima starih i novih stranaka te izbornih apstinenata. ; The author analyses changes in electoral behaviour and electoral participation which took place in the 2015. and 2016. parliamentary elections in Croatia. In these elections both support for new parties and electoral abstention simultaneously reached their highest level so far. The author starts from the assumption that electorates of new parties and abstainers are very similar in their evaluations of political system and political elites' performance, but that they differ in perception of their ability to influence politics through electoral participation. At the same time, voters of old and new parties are similar with respect to perception of their ability to influence politics, but they differ in their identification with predominant ideological cleavages, and their attitudes toward political system and political elites. The author tests these propositions using data from electoral surveys conducted after the 2015. and 2016. elections. Results of the analysis support principal expectations of the paper about differences between voters of old and new parties and electoral abstainers.