How does language work? How does language produce truth and beauty? Eleventh-century Arabic scholarship has detailed answers to these universal questions. Language Between God and the Poets reads the theory of four major scholars and asks how the conceptual vocabulary they shared enabled them to create theory in lexicography, theology, logic, and poetics. Their ideas engaged God and poetry at the nexus of language, mind, and reality. Their core conceptual vocabulary carved reality at the joints in a manner quite different from Anglophone and European thought in any period. This vocabulary centered around the words maʿnā ("mental content") and ḥaqīqah ("accuracy"), two concepts for which Alexander Key develops a translation methodology with the help of Wittgenstein and Kuhn. Language Between God and the Poets helps us see how fundamental the lexicon and lexicography can be to all kinds of theory, how theology can be a science of naming, how logic interacts with language, and how poetic affect can be built on grammar and logic. The four scholars are ar-Rāġib al-Iṣfahānī, Ibn Fūrak, Ibn Sīnā (Avicenna), and ʿAbd al-Qāhir al-Ǧurǧānī.
New for this edition New chapter on international political thoughtThis textbook gives you all the vocabulary you need - political, conceptual and historical - to engage confidently and deeply with political thought and the moral and political worlds in which we live. It traces the history of political thought from Plato and Aristotle to Benhabib and Rorty, following a unique dual structure that introduces key thinkers and core concepts. Topics covered include:Universal moral order o liberty o political freedom o the state o socialism o utilitarianism o distributive justice o group politics o m.
This paper argues that the concept of management is a key concept in the social and political vocabulary of modern western countries. Relying on Koselleck's criteria for selection of key social and political concepts that he originally put forth in the introduction to Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe (GG1:p.XIV), it is argued that the concept of management fulfils four out of Kosellecks six criteria. Now, on the premise that management is indeed a key social and political concept, the paper briefly outlines some of the possible methodological strengths of conceptual history applied to the field of the history of management. In particular, I argue that a history of the management concept could provide new insights concerning: (1) first, the ability of the concept of management to connect or ‘couple' with other forms of knowledge, understanding and practice, and the ability of the concept of management to ‘travel' into other spheres of society than the original business or industrial setting; (2) and, second, a history of the management concept could provide new insights concerning the temporality of management. Furthermore, it is suggested that the history of the concept of management could have corrective purposes towards current history of management thought and history of management rhetoric. These are all good reasons for studying the history of the management concept. However, at the end of the paper I shall briefly mention some of my reservations towards conceptual history as a research strategy in this field. Since the purpose of the paper is mainly explorative, some of its arguments are rather sketchy.
Oili Pulkkisen valtio-opin väitöstutkimuksessa analysoidaan poliittisen ilmiötä skotlantilaisessa valistuksessa 1700-luvun jälkipuoliskolla. Näennäisen ongelmattomana pidetty politiikka-käsite paljastuu moniulotteiseksi tiedon, elämänalan ja taidon käsitekimpuksi. Työssä sovelletaan käsitehistoriallista metodologiaa uudella tavalla. Keskeinen tutkimuskohde on politiikan käsite, jota tutkittavat ajattelijat eivät pitäneet lainkaan ongelmallisena. ; Taking the polit-vocabulary – politics, polity, policy, political and a politician – as a point of departure, this study reconstructs the idea of the political in the eighteenth-century Scottish Enlightenment. A conceptual method – a particular mode of conceptual history – plays a crucial role in this study. The political is conceptualised by reading the spontaneous use of the politconceptions, metaphors and allusions of the political. According to present interpretation, politics as knowledge was interwoven to ethics and jurisprudence as well as the political was subordinated to the social, or even synonymous with it. This study contemplates an alternative interpretation of the political as a particular sphere of human life and knowledge. Three modes of the political can be reconstructed in the Scottish texts: the political as politics, the political as a particular sphere of human life, and the political as prudent activity. The internal differentiation of moral science, especially elementary lectures on morals, reflected politics as a particular branch of moral science. The political as a sphere was reflected by the concept of a political society, which represented a particular mode of human life. The differentiation of the political sphere was constructed by histories of the origins of political societies and by revisions of contractarian theories. The political as activity, or as activityoriented prudence, was separate from politics as science. Further, there were different modes of political prudence: a philosopher, a prince, a legislator, an ambassador and a leader in the Scottish texts. Scottish philosophers reflected the political rather by revising classical vocabulary of the political rather than by inventing new concepts and conceptions. Despite this the Scottish polit-vocabulary represented a departure from the Aristotelian unity of ethics, justice and politics.
THE DEBATE ON LANDMINES HAS BEEN MARKED BY A LACK OF A SHARED CONCEPTUAL VOCABULARY. THE ARGUMENTS FOR A TOTAL BAN ARE COUNCHED PRIMARILY IN MORAL TERMS, WHILE THE ARGUMENTS AGAINST A BAN EMPLOY MILITARY AND STRATEGIC TERMS. THIS GAP COULD BE BRIDGED BY USING THE VOCABULARY OF THE JUST WAR TRADITION. THE JUST WAR TRADITION ALL BUT OUTLAWS LANDMINES SINCE THE GRAVE SIDE-EFFECTS SEEM IMPOSSIBLE TO ELIMINATE COMPLETELY.
Do political leaders learn from historical experience, and do the lessons of history influence their foreign policy preferences and decisions? It appears that decision makers are always seeking to avoid the failures of the past and that generals are always fighting the last war. The "lessons of Munich" were invoked by Harry Truman in Korea, Anthony Eden in Suez, John Kennedy in the Cuban Missile Crisis, Lyndon Johnson in Vietnam, and George Bush in the Persian Gulf War. The "lessons of Korea" influenced American debates about Indochina, and the "lessons of Vietnam" were advanced in debates about crises in the Persian Gulf and in Bosnia. Statesmen at Versailles sought to avoid the mistakes of Vienna and those at Bretton Woods, the errors of the Great Depression. Masada still moves the Israelis, and Kosovo drives the Serbs. Inferences from experience and the myths that accompany them often have a far greater impact on policy than is warranted by standard rules of evidence. As J. Steinberg argues, in words that apply equally well to the Munich analogy and the Vietnam syndrome, memories of the British capture of the neutral Danish fleet at Copenhagen in 1807 (the "Copenhagen complex") "seeped into men's perceptions and became part of the vocabulary of political life," and it influenced German decision making for a century.
The achievement of gender equality in education, and of women’s empowerment more generally, have recently become established amongst the highest international priorities for policy action. This paper examines the processes by which they came to be included amongst the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). It argues that the revised targets to 2015 are more practicable than earlier goals. However, it shows that rates of progress will need to be improved, and that financial support from the north is still running at less than half the required levels. Goal achievement presupposes some agreed understanding of the meaning of gender equality. The paper reveals important contradictions between the language of analysis and the vocabulary of policy. Finally, it examines some of the instruments available for monitoring progress and building pressure for policy reform. It shows that failures to meet policy undertakings are as evident – and as serious in their implications for the possibility of achieving the MDGs – amongst
The achievement of gender equality in education, and of women's empowerment more generally, have recently become established amongst the highest international priorities for policy action. This paper examines the processes by which they came to be included amongst the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). It argues that the revised targets to 2015 are more practicable than earlier goals. However, it shows that rates of progress will need to be improved, and that financial support from the north is still running at less than half the required levels. Goal achievement presupposes some agreed understanding of the meaning of gender equality. The paper reveals important contradictions between the language of analysis and the vocabulary of policy. Finally, it examines some of the instruments available for monitoring progress and building pressure for policy reform. It shows that failures to meet policy undertakings are as evident – and as serious in their implications for the possibility of achieving the MDGs – amongst aid donors as they are amongst developing-country governments themselves.
The term "national interest" has been used by statesmen and scholars since the founding of nation-states to describe the aspirations and goals of sovereign entities in the international arena. Today foreign ministers, military strategists and academicians discuss the vital interests of their countries in ways suggesting that everyone understands precisely what they mean and will draw correct inferences from their use of the term. Nothing could be further from reality. In truth, the study of international politics as well as the art of diplomacy suffer from widespread ambiguity about the meaning of national interest, with the result that some scholars have proposed that the concept be abandoned and replaced by some other phrase. To my mind, this would be an abdication of the scholar's responsibility because, whether we like it or not, the term national interest is so deeply ingrained in the literature of international relations and diplomatic language that it is unlikely to be dismissed from our vocabulary simply because some scholars find it useless. Were we to attempt to substitute some new phrase, we would likely find even less consensus and could become engaged in yet another round of jargon-creation. A better alternative, I suggest, is to strive for a more precise definition of national interest and then provide a conceptual framework in which serious discussion of foreign policy and international politics can become more fruitful. That is the purpose of this paper.
Este artigo discute aspectos metodológicos da história dos conceitos a partir da leitura do texto "Historia, Experiência y Modernidad em Iberoamerica, 1750-1850", de Guillermo Zermeño. São analisados conceitos como modernidade e história, particularmente para o contexto iberoamericano entre 1750 e 1850. Abordam-se igualmente aspectos gerais das relações entre dinâmica conceitual e história político-social. ; From the reading of Guillermo Zermeño "History, Experience and Modernity in Portuguese and Spanish America, 1750-1850", this article discusses some methodological aspects of conceptual history. The concepts of history and modernity are analyzed for the period between 1750 and 1850. The article also focuses on the relations between conceptual and socio-political history.
This book reconsiders the dominant Western understandings of freedom through the lens of women's real-life experiences of domestic violence, welfare, and Islamic veiling. Nancy Hirschmann argues that the typical approach to freedom found in political philosophy severely reduces the concept's complexity, which is more fully revealed by taking such practical issues into account. Hirschmann begins by arguing that the dominant Western understanding of freedom does not provide a conceptual vocabulary for accurately characterizing women's experiences. Often, free choice is assumed when women are in f.