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Social justice is a crucial ideal in contemporary political thought. Yet the concept of social justice is a recent addition to our political vocabulary, and comparatively little is known about its introduction into political debate or its early theoretical trajectory. Some important research has begun to address this issue, adding a valuable historical perspective to present-day controversies about the concept. This article uses this literature to examine two questions. First, how does the modern idea of social justice differ from previous conceptualisations of justice? Second, why and when did social justice first emerge into political discourse?

This article reviews ten years of political and analytical discussions regarding the global development agenda on girls' schooling and gender equity. It considers struggles over the purpose and realizability of the global agenda, and attempts to widen frameworks to go beyond gender parity in access and enrollment. Drawing on a case study of one global NGO that took a women's rights approach, it shows how difficult it has been, even in the best kind of organizational environment, to realize a women's rights agenda that linked education to other forms of empowerment. These difficulties are confirmed by critical reflections on participation in the conference convened to review ten years of the work of the United Nations Girls' Education Initiative (UNGEI). However, the conclusions, while acknowledging problems of multiple sites of action, silences, and the attenuation of transformatory agendas, nonetheless point to a richer conceptual vocabulary, a wider range of actors, and clearer strategic orientation than a decade ago.

New for this edition New chapter on international political thoughtThis textbook gives you all the vocabulary you need - political, conceptual and historical - to engage confidently and deeply with political thought and the moral and political worlds in which we live. It traces the history of political thought from Plato and Aristotle to Benhabib and Rorty, following a unique dual structure that introduces key thinkers and core concepts. Topics covered include:Universal moral order o liberty o political freedom o the state o socialism o utilitarianism o distributive justice o group politics o m.

Regardless the few decades that an established legislative framework in Child Protection has been in effect, the responsibility of the Law and the Child Protection System is to continuously explore social needs, as they change, transform or new ones are introduced to adapt to the circumstances in the attempts to safeguard and protect children. This paper is not focusing on those adaptations; it draws on this responsibility to argue that in an ever-changing world, wherein needs and demands are shifting, Child Protection Vocabulary needs to be more explicit and adaptive to those changes. Vocabulary like 'best interest', 'resilience', 'power', and 'vulnerability' are commonplace in child protection legislation, regulation, policy and practice. That said, the question of interpretation is always of concern; how are the varied agencies, stakeholders, authorities, groups, and individuals approaching safeguarding and child protection when the heterogeneity of the language used is ever-increasing? This paper provides a conceptual content analysis of Child Protection Vocabulary found in the Children Act 1989. The analysis will be drawing on the amendments in Children Act 2004, as well as the Children and Social Work Act 2017, but will preserve its focus on the Children Act 1989 as the foundation for the contemporary Child Protection System. Implications of the findings are provided at the end.

This paper argues that the analytical tools for conceptual and contextual literacy need to be made explicit in the first year curriculum especially for non graduate entry LLB programs. The paper explains rationale for the subject, the evolution of the syllabus and evaluates the experience of facilitating student learning in the subject so far. At JCU Legal Concepts subject introduces students to a broad overview of the concepts applicable to basic areas of the law. Thus the subject offers a preparatory foundation for further three years of study. Legal Concepts is one of six subjects in the foundational JCU First Year Experience program. Other subjects are Legal Research, Writing and Analysis, Legal Institutions and Processes, Law, Society and Change and Contract 1 and 2. Law, Society and Change and Legal Concepts complement each other. Law, Society and Change introduces students to social science concepts such as: ideology, discourse, social construction, power, the state, the market, kinship and family, identity, class, race, ethnicity, caste, gender, sex, sexuality, colonialism, globalization. The subject enables students to view the law through the prism of society not vice versa. They are able to critique the law in terms of the social context in which it is made and in which it operates. For instance, to ask how relevant, given the large variety of forms that intimate relationships take, are marriage laws in Australia? Or to explore how hierarchies of esteem such as race or sexuality are constructed by law as an expression of dominant ideologies? The Legal Concepts subject, the focus of this presentation, introduces the core jurisprudential concepts of a common law legal system, namely the concepts of: - Personality, - Liability, - Property, - Contract, - Fiduciary obligations, - Rights, - Sovereignty and good process such as natural justice, constitutionalism and the Rule of Law. These concepts are selected because of the importance and breadth of areas of law they underpin. The 'law jobs' that the areas of law reflecting the concept are contextualized so that each concept is critiqued in terms of its relevance and possible obsolescence in the face a dimension of technological, political, cultural, economic or ecological change. This contextualized critique exposes areas of mismatch between, for instance, western liberal notions of property and Indigenous normative schemes, classical contract law and e-commerce, the concept of Westphalian sovereignty and the new challenges to global governance posed say by climate change, and so on. The two subjects are designed to complement each other by providing a foundation jurisprudential and social science conceptual vocabulary.

Many years after its emergence in the vocabulary of comparative politics, the label of 'anti-system' is still one of the most used to describe a party or group that exerts a radical form of opposition. However, the term has been used in an increasingly idiosyncratic manner, which makes it inappropriate for comparative research. The origins of the concept reside in the writings of Sartori on party systems in the 1960s and 1970s, where it mainly referred to the totalitarian parties of the inter-war and post-war decades. Since its inception, however, the concept of an anti-system party has not only been used in party system analysis, but also in the context of empirical studies of various aspects of the life of democratic regimes, to indicate challenges to its stability, legitimacy or, more recently, consolidation. This article reconstructs the concept of 'anti-systemness' by disentangling its different empirical referents in party system theory and in the empirical analysis of democracy, and proposes a more refined typology of 'anti-system parties'.

More than ever, social scientists have reason to question the assumption that work is the human activity of value and leisure is little more than a respite from work; a way to consume its fruits and prepare for more work. This article compares four conceptualizations of the demanding activities people choose for themselves in their spare time. Each one is based on relatively recent empirical studies and presented to social science with a distinct term: `serious leisure', `specialized play', `edgework', and `consumption within a fantasy enclave'. Any conceptual representation allows certain interpretations of social phenomena and blocks others. In this case, vastly different pictures emerge, depending on the conception chosen. Thus, the major finding of the article is that sociology urgently needs to assess its vocabulary in order to understand how the modern predicament affects men and women in their freest moments.

The semantics of geographically limited vocabulary is considered in the aspect of the actual problem of interaction and interpenetration of lexical systems of literary language and dialects. The material extracted from literary texts (prose by Volgograd writers) and the converse of the Don Cossack dialects speakers living in the Volgograd region (records made by the expeditionary method and direct interview of informants at the points of dialectological survey of territories within the program of the Lexical Atlas of Russian Folk Dialects) is compared. Contextual and graphical methods of dialectisms semantization are described. The linguistic techniques of revealing the meanings of dialect words with the help of literary analogues, as well as various markers signalling the inclusion of an element that is not commonly used in the utterance, are determined. The models of using the appropriate language means formed on the basis of the constructive principle of their organization for the disclosure of the ideological and artistic intent of the work are characterized. It can serve as a means of updating and enriching the expressive fund of the Russian language, or for the purpose of adequate understanding in communication of different speech culture representatives the subject-conceptual correspondences of linguistic units. The general and special techniques of direct and indirect semantization of lexical units are revealed. They reflect the artistic-figurative and visual-symbolic concretization of reality in the perception of the world. The functional role of the vocabulary under consideration as a resource-forming element of the modern Russian literary language is substantiated.

This paper argues that the concept of management is a key concept in the social and political vocabulary of modern western countries. Relying on Koselleck's criteria for selection of key social and political concepts that he originally put forth in the introduction to Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe (GG1:p.XIV), it is argued that the concept of management fulfils four out of Kosellecks six criteria. Now, on the premise that management is indeed a key social and political concept, the paper briefly outlines some of the possible methodological strengths of conceptual history applied to the field of the history of management. In particular, I argue that a history of the management concept could provide new insights concerning: (1) first, the ability of the concept of management to connect or 'couple' with other forms of knowledge, understanding and practice, and the ability of the concept of management to 'travel' into other spheres of society than the original business or industrial setting; (2) and, second, a history of the management concept could provide new insights concerning the temporality of management. Furthermore, it is suggested that the history of the concept of management could have corrective purposes towards current history of management thought and history of management rhetoric. These are all good reasons for studying the history of the management concept. However, at the end of the paper I shall briefly mention some of my reservations towards conceptual history as a research strategy in this field. Since the purpose of the paper is mainly explorative, some of its arguments are rather sketchy.

THE DEBATE ON LANDMINES HAS BEEN MARKED BY A LACK OF A SHARED CONCEPTUAL VOCABULARY. THE ARGUMENTS FOR A TOTAL BAN ARE COUNCHED PRIMARILY IN MORAL TERMS, WHILE THE ARGUMENTS AGAINST A BAN EMPLOY MILITARY AND STRATEGIC TERMS. THIS GAP COULD BE BRIDGED BY USING THE VOCABULARY OF THE JUST WAR TRADITION. THE JUST WAR TRADITION ALL BUT OUTLAWS LANDMINES SINCE THE GRAVE SIDE-EFFECTS SEEM IMPOSSIBLE TO ELIMINATE COMPLETELY.

AbstractIn this section nine experimental papers are presented, a selection chosen by both developmental psycholinguists and psychologists as being of special interest to the area of concept acquisition. Although many points (both theoretical and methodological) put the two fields of research in opposition, these papers show the possibilities of a coherent overview of development, covering both language and conceptual development. This is especially important in the overlapping areas of research concerning the sound‐to‐meaning mapping processes of lexical acquisition, and the appearance of words referring to mental verbs in the child's vocabulary.

How does language work? How does language produce truth and beauty? Eleventh-century Arabic scholarship has detailed answers to these universal questions. Language Between God and the Poets reads the theory of four major scholars and asks how the conceptual vocabulary they shared enabled them to create theory in lexicography, theology, logic, and poetics. Their ideas engaged God and poetry at the nexus of language, mind, and reality. Their core conceptual vocabulary carved reality at the joints in a manner quite different from Anglophone and European thought in any period. This vocabulary centered around the words maʿnā ("mental content") and ḥaqīqah ("accuracy"), two concepts for which Alexander Key develops a translation methodology with the help of Wittgenstein and Kuhn. Language Between God and the Poets helps us see how fundamental the lexicon and lexicography can be to all kinds of theory, how theology can be a science of naming, how logic interacts with language, and how poetic affect can be built on grammar and logic. The four scholars are ar-Rāġib al-Iṣfahānī, Ibn Fūrak, Ibn Sīnā (Avicenna), and ʿAbd al-Qāhir al-Ǧurǧānī.

Do political leaders learn from historical experience, and do the lessons of history influence their foreign policy preferences and decisions? It appears that decision makers are always seeking to avoid the failures of the past and that generals are always fighting the last war. The "lessons of Munich" were invoked by Harry Truman in Korea, Anthony Eden in Suez, John Kennedy in the Cuban Missile Crisis, Lyndon Johnson in Vietnam, and George Bush in the Persian Gulf War. The "lessons of Korea" influenced American debates about Indochina, and the "lessons of Vietnam" were advanced in debates about crises in the Persian Gulf and in Bosnia. Statesmen at Versailles sought to avoid the mistakes of Vienna and those at Bretton Woods, the errors of the Great Depression. Masada still moves the Israelis, and Kosovo drives the Serbs. Inferences from experience and the myths that accompany them often have a far greater impact on policy than is warranted by standard rules of evidence. As J. Steinberg argues, in words that apply equally well to the Munich analogy and the Vietnam syndrome, memories of the British capture of the neutral Danish fleet at Copenhagen in 1807 (the "Copenhagen complex") "seeped into men's perceptions and became part of the vocabulary of political life," and it influenced German decision making for a century.

In order for social entrepreneurship and social innovation to take off for real in Mexico, two major inhibitors on structural level needs to be addressed and eliminated/reduced. One inhibitor is material and the other is discursive in nature. The material inhibitor is the lingering power of oldmoney, old elites, old solutions, old thinking, and old ways of organizing economic activity that still dominates economic and social life in Mexico. Inter-twinned with this material inhibitor is the discursive inhibitor; the skills of old power representatives in using "new and fresh vocabulary" to discursively obscure, blur and distort that their activities still are based on the aforementioned old power logic. The purpose of this article is to contribute to remedy the problem with the discursive inhibitor, via proposing an actionable conceptual framework for social entrepreneurs and social innovators in Mexico. If achieving some success on the discursive arenas, gains and wins therefrom can be used to take on the material inhibitor on the political-legal arenas. The henequen industry in Yucatan is used as an illustrative case to support the purpose.