Suchergebnisse

Cilj je rada istražiti stabilnost koalicijskih vlada u Hrvatskoj 2000. – 2020. te se polazi od teze da je nestabilnost vlada uvjetovana nedovoljno obuhvatnim koalicijskim sporazumima i neučinkovitim mehanizmima rješavanja koalicijskih sukoba. U radu se prvo analiziraju koalicijski sporazumi s obzirom na veličinu i sadržaj koji je u njima zastupljen, a zatim se istražuju stvarni procesi koalicijskog upravljanja koji se događaju unutar "crne kutije" identificiranjem najčešćih sukoba i mehanizama s pomoću kojih se oni nastoje riješiti. U analizi se upotrebljavaju izvorni empirijski podaci prikupljeni intervjuima s bivšim članovima koalicijskih vlada, kao i koalicijski sporazumi, vladini programi, arhivska građa dviju dnevnih novina te arhivske baze vlade i parlamenta. Rezultati istraživanja doveli su do glavnog zaključka da zbog nedovoljno razrađenih i formaliziranih koalicijskih sporazuma koalicijske stranke nisu uspješne u upravljanju koalicijskim sukobima, stoga pribjegavaju ad hoc mehanizmu neformanog i vrlo personaliziranog odlučivanja koje se izgrađuje u malom gremiju čelnika koalicijskih stranaka. ; The aim of this paper is to explore the stability of coalition governments in Croatia in the period 2000–2020, starting with the premise that cabinet instability is influenced by the limited scope of coalition agreements and ineffective conflict resolution mechanisms. The paper first analyses coalition agreements with regard to their scope and content, and goes on to explore the actual processes of coalition governance that occur within the "black box" by identifying the most common conflicts and the mechanisms which are used to resolve these. The analysis uses original empirical data collected through interviews with former members of coalition governments, as well as coalition agreements, government programmes, the archives of two daily newspapers, and archival databases of the government and parliament. Research results have led to the main conclusion that due to insufficiently developed and formalised coalition agreements, coalition parties are not successful at managing coalition conflicts, so they resort to the ad hoc mechanism of informal and highly personalised decision-making which is generated by a small group of coalition leaders.

Konflikti su dugi niz godina prisutni u svim segmentima ljudskog života, kako privatnom tako i u poslovnom. Budući da se konflikti često pojavljuju na radnim mjestima, neophodno je pravilno upravljanje, a u cilju pronalaska najboljeg rješenja. U ovom radu je stavljen naglasak na upravljanje konfliktima u organizaciji državne službe. Na početku rada pojašnjeni su osnovni pojmovi organizacije državne službe i općenite definicije konflikta. Zatim su navedeni uzroci konflikta u organizaciji te načini upravljanja i rješavanja konflikta u organizaciji. U praktičnom dijelu rada izvršeno je istraživanje u organizaciji državne službe, o uzrocima nastanka konflikta, stilovima ponašanja ispitanika u rješavanju konflikta, uloga rukovoditelja u konfliktni situacijama, te je li konflikti poželjna ili nepoželjna pojava u organizacijama. ; Conflicts have been present for many years in all segments of human life, both privately and in business. Since conflicts often occur at workplaces, proper management is necessary to find the best solution. This thesis focuses on conflict management in the organization of civil service. At the beginning of the thesis, the basic concepts of the civil service organization and the general definition of conflict are explained. Then the causes of conflicts and the ways of managing and resolving conflicts in the organization are listed. In the practical part of the thesis, a research was conducted in the organization of the civil service, on the causes of conflicts, the behavioural styles of respondents in conflict settlement, the role of managers in conflict situations, and whether conflicts are desirable or undesirable in organizations.

Konflikti su dugi niz godina prisutni u svim segmentima ljudskog života, kako privatnom tako i u poslovnom. Budući da se konflikti često pojavljuju na radnim mjestima, neophodno je pravilno upravljanje, a u cilju pronalaska najboljeg rješenja. U ovom radu je stavljen naglasak na upravljanje konfliktima u organizaciji državne službe. Na početku rada pojašnjeni su osnovni pojmovi organizacije državne službe i općenite definicije konflikta. Zatim su navedeni uzroci konflikta u organizaciji te načini upravljanja i rješavanja konflikta u organizaciji. U praktičnom dijelu rada izvršeno je istraživanje u organizaciji državne službe, o uzrocima nastanka konflikta, stilovima ponašanja ispitanika u rješavanju konflikta, uloga rukovoditelja u konfliktni situacijama, te je li konflikti poželjna ili nepoželjna pojava u organizacijama. ; Conflicts have been present for many years in all segments of human life, both privately and in business. Since conflicts often occur at workplaces, proper management is necessary to find the best solution. This thesis focuses on conflict management in the organization of civil service. At the beginning of the thesis, the basic concepts of the civil service organization and the general definition of conflict are explained. Then the causes of conflicts and the ways of managing and resolving conflicts in the organization are listed. In the practical part of the thesis, a research was conducted in the organization of the civil service, on the causes of conflicts, the behavioural styles of respondents in conflict settlement, the role of managers in conflict situations, and whether conflicts are desirable or undesirable in organizations.

In this paper an attempt is made by the author to assess whether the Self-management Industrial Relations System defined institutionally as a non-conflict pattern has the potentiality to regulate the industrial conflict undoubtedly existing in Yugoslav enterprises; and whether it is in its potentiality for conflict management matched to the American system of industrial relations based on the collective bargaining. Comparative theoretical analysis of the two systems on a number of major dimensions leads to the conclusion that the self-management system is inferior in regard to the potentialities for conflict management than Collective bargaining. This conclusion is even more valid if the great discrepancies between the real self-management organizations and the self-management pattern are taken into consideration. But, the available evidence on strikes in Yugoslavia during the last decade lends no support to such theoretical expectations. It is evident that some forms of conflict management do exist, although the institutional pattern has no built-in mechanisms of regulations at the level of manifest functions. In an attempt to explain the variance between the real course of the industrial conflicts and the theoretical expectations, the author formulates the main hypothesis: the self-management institutional pattern regulates the conflict on the level of latent functions. This central hypothesis is further elaborated into six particular hypotheses issuing form the specific properties of the self-management institutional pattern. These properties are: lack of legitimacy of managerial power and insecurity of managers' status, »political management«, insufficient revindicative orientation of syndicate, co-option of the potential worker leaders into management and the horizontal principle of organization. Examining the efficiency of conflict management at the level of latent functions the author points out some important qualifications: (1) possibility of the omission of catharsis effects after the strike, (2) such a "type of regulation does not lead to the systematic resolving of problems which are at the root of the conflict, (3) conflict management at the level of latent functions does not involve conflict resolving directly at the Working places. In accordance with these qualifications the author does not perceive such a type of regulation of conflict as a possible alternative to the institutionalization of conflict in modern industrial society. Nevertheless it has a great significance for the stability and survival of the global social system such as the one existing in Yugoslavia.

The author gives an account of the evolution of the theories of institutional design or constitutional engineering in political science in the last twenty years. This is a special branch of political science that looks into how political institutions may serve as the means of conflict management in divided societies & whether they may be constructed in such a way as to contribute to the conflict resolution, democratization & the democratic stability of societies in general. Their rise was theoretically enabled by new institutionalism & historically by the third wave of democratization of autocratic political regimes since the 1970s & particularly since the 1990s. Using several seminal works to illustrate her point, the author shows how the theories of institutional design overlap with the theories of democratic transformation, consociational democracy, liberal democracy, & others. 42 References. Adapted from the source document.

Jedna od definicija menadžmenta kaže da je to aktivnost usmjerena na postizanje određenih, unaprijed zacrtanih ciljeva pomoću aktivnosti drugih ljudi, a upravljanje je ljudskim resursima jedna od osnovnim funkcija svakog menadžera. S druge strane, mobing na radnom mjestu predstavlja značajan izvor stresa, a sukobi unutar organizacije uzrokuju gubitak vremena te ometaju i odvlače zaposlenike od produktivnog korištenja njihovog vremena. Istraživanja koja su se bavila svakodnevnom praksom menadžera pokazala su da menadžeri troše 42 % svoga vremena pokušavajući postići "pomirenje" kada se dogodi sukob. Kako tu naravno nije riječ samo o trošenju vremena menadžera na rješavanje sukoba, već treba dodati i gubitak vremena zaposlenika koji su u sukobu, jasno je da je riječ o značajnim financijskim iznosima. Dodatno, ono što je vidljivo iz istraživanja o izloženosti o mobingu na radnom mjestu i izvan Hrvatske jest dominacija izloženosti okomitom mobingu, u prvom redu "bossingu", gdje se radi o strateškom mobingu te neprijateljskom odnosu nadređene osobe prema zaposleniku na nižem položaju. Ako se ovome pridoda podatak da je nedostatak menadžerskih vještina glavni čimbenik koji doprinosi mobingu i to upravo prema mišljenju menadžera, vidljivo je da je riječ o izuzetno složenom problemu, koji ozbiljno ugrožava uspješno upravljanje. Cilj je ovog rada ukazati na važnost prepoznavanja mobinga na radnom mjestu kao značajnog čimbenika koji pored ostalih štetnih posljedica negativno utječe i na samo upravljanje organizacijom. Dodatno, cilj je rada povećanje opće svijesti o ovom sve raširenijem problemu čije posljedice svakako ne bi trebale biti zanemarene. Provedena sekundarna istraživanja pomoću metode apstrakcije, deskripcije, komparacije i klasifikacije pokazala su postojanje veze između postojanja mobinga na radnom mjestu i uspješnosti upravljanja organizacijom u smjeru da postojanje mobinga na radnom mjestu smanjuje uspješnost upravljanja organizacijom. Ova saznanja bi svakako trebala biti ugrađena u svakodnevnu praksu upravljanja, na način da se prilikom kreiranja politika i procedura, a naročito onih koje se tiču upravljanja ljudskim resursima, svakako implementira i dovoljan broj elemenata koji će omogućiti pravovremeno prepoznavanje postojanja mobinga na radnom mjestu, kao i procedure za uspješno rješavanje takvih slučajeva. ; One definition of management says it is the activity aimed at achieving specific, pre-set goals by using activities of other people, and human resource management is one of the basic functions of each manager. On the other hand, workplace mobbing is a significant source of stress, and conflicts within the organization are causing a waste of time and also disrupt and distract employees from productive use of their time. Studies that deal with daily managers' practice revealed that managers spend 42% of their time trying to achieve "reconciliation" when conflict occurs. Since the issue is not just about spending managers' time to resolve the conflict, but also about wasting time of employees who are in conflict, it is clear that there are significant financial amounts involved. In addition, the dominance of vertical exposure to mobbing, primarily bossing which is a strategic mobbing and hostility by superiors towards the employee in a lower position, is evident from the studies dealing with exposure to workplace mobbing in and outside of Croatia. If we take into account the fact that the lack of management skills has been proved to be a major factor contributing to the workplace mobbing according to managers themselves, it is evident that this is a very complex problem that significantly threatens successful management. The aim of this paper is to point out the importance of recognizing the workplace mobbing as a significant factor that, in addition to other harmful consequences, negatively affects the management of the organization as well. In addition, the aim of this paper is to increase general awareness of this increasingly widespread problem, the consequences of which should certainly not be ignored. Secondary research conducted using methods of abstraction, description, comparison and classification has shown a correlation between the existence of mobbing in the workplace and successful organizational management of the organization indicating that the existence of mobbing in the workplace reduces the success of organizational management. These findings would certainly have to be incorporated into the everyday management practice in a way that when creating policies and procedures, particularly those related to human resource management, one should certainly implement a sufficient number of elements that will allow timely recognition of workplace mobbing, as well as procedures for the successful resolution of such cases.

The paper explores the causes of the Middle East conflicts. The author considers that apart from historical & religious roots the main causes are the importance of the energy deposits, great & regional powers competition & collisions over energy resources, the complexity of water management in the region for its scarcity, traditional, religious & ethnic differences, social differentiations & conflicts, growing poverty among majority of people, demographic problems. The persistence & not solving of these problems clearly indicate that local terrorisms, wars & armed confrontations remain the ominous feature of the region, concludes the author. References. Adapted from the source document.

U razdoblju od 1944 do 1947. KPJ je imala rukovodeću ulogu u novom državnom aparatu, ali je postojalo i višestranačje. Dilema da li ovakav stranački pluralizam ili jednostranački sistem brzo i relativno lako je riješena u korist KPJ. U tom razdoblju stranački sistem u Jugoslaviji se najviše približio boljševičkom. Sukob sa Staljinom prisilio je rukovodstvo da potraži novi identitet jugoslavenskog društva, različit od birokratskog sovjetskog sistema, ali uz zadržavanje diskontinuiteta sa zapadnim tipom građanskih demokratskih društava. Tražio se tzv. treći put društvenog razvoja na terenu samoupravnog socijalizma. KPJ je donjela odluku o vlastitoj preobrazbi u SKJ, ali se nije bitno izmijenila niti vlastitom ulogom niti organizacijskom strukturom. Polovicom 1950. lansirana je teza o odumiranju države, ali nerazvijenoj društvenoj praksi i dogmatskom teorijskom nasljeđu korespondirale su i nerazvijene teorijske rapsrave o bitnim problemima odumiranja države. Nakon kratkotrajnih inicijalnih rezultata smanjivanja uloge i funkcije države, nastupaju duga razdoblja jačanja države. Država je ostala sila iznad institucionalnih oblika samoupravljanja. Ustavom 1974. oktroiran je tzv. integralni sistem socijalističkog samoupravljanja. U takvom sistemu, ali i zbog njega, razgara se duboka i dugotrajna društvena kriza. Usprkos čestim promjenama politički sistem reproducirao je stare birokratske insitutcije koje su onemogućavale provođenje dubljih društvenih promjena. Dominacija politike nad ekonomijom nije dozvoljavala da se faktički radi na deetatizaciji i debirokratizaciji političkog sistema. Prelaz na razvijeni model parlamentarne demokracije bio je neophodan, ali je vrlo dramatičan. ; In the period from 1944 to 1947 the KPJ (Communist Party of Yugoslavia) played the leading role in the new government, but the multi-party system also existed The dilemma of choosing between such party pluralism and the one-party system was quickly and relatively easily resolved in favour of the KPJ. In this period the party system in Yugoslavia had come closest to the Bolshevist system. The conflict with Stalin compelled the leadership to search for a new identity of the Yugoslav society, different from the bureaucratic Soviet system, but retaining the discontinuity with the Western type civil democratic societies. What was sought after was the so-called third road of social development on the pounds of self-managing socialism. The KPJ decided to transform itself into the SKJ (League of Communists of Yugoslavia), but in essence it neither changed its role nor organizational structure. In the mid-fifties the withering away of the state concept was launched, but the undeveloped social practice and dogmatic theoretical legacy was also accompanied by undeveloped theoretical debates about the crucial problems concerning the dying away of the state. After short-lived initial results in reducing the role and function of the state, came long periods in which the state strengthened its power. The state remained a force above the institutional forms of self-management. With the 1974 Constitution the so-called integral system of socialist self-management was octroyed In such a system, but also due to it, a deep and long lasting social crisis had flamed up. In spite of frequent changes, the political system reproduced old bureaucratic institutions which prevented deeper social changes from taking place. The domination of politics over economy did not permit work to be done on the deetatization and debureaucratization of the political system The transition to the developed model of parliamentary democracy was indispensable but it has been very dramatic.

Tema disertacije je analiza djelovanja putem pravnopolitičkih mehanizama međunarodne zajednice, a prvenstveno misleći Europske ekonomske zajednice (kasnije Europske unije) na sprječavanje sukoba i postizanje mira na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije u vremenu od 1990. g., tj. od trenutaka prvih znakova početaka krize, pa sve do kraja oružanih sukoba/ratova 1995. g. i potpisivanja Daytonskog mirovnog sporazuma. Upravo vrijeme prvih znakova krize i početaka prvih oružanih sukoba na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije bilo je vrijeme kada je Europska ekonomska zajednica stvarala Zajedničku vanjsku i sigurnosnu politiku. Ujedno jugoslavenska kriza odvijala se paralelno s stvaranja nove ujedinjene Europe koja se našla pred izazovom dokazivanja uloge regionalnog i globalnog igrača u kreiranju svjetske politike, te u dokazivanju mogućnosti samostalnog rješavanja eventualnih sukoba na svom teritoriju bez upliva politike Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. Jugoslavenska kriza reflektirana kasnije kroz oružane sukobe i ratove predstavlja je test institucionalnom sistemu dotadašnje i buduće ujedinjene Europe, te je ista bila indikator, smjernica institucijskom razvoju Europske ekonomske zajednice, a uslijed same činenice nemogućnosti implementacija usvojenih politika/odluka kojima bi rješila krizu i spriječila sukobe. Oružani sukobi/ratovi i sama kriza na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije s vremenom je bila u suprotnosti s duhom buduće ujedinjene Europe nakon pada Berlinskog zida, a nemogućnost uporabe rješenja za kraj krize, oružanih sukoba i postizanje mira povlačilo je za sobom i pitanje održivosti takve zajednice. Prekrajanje granica silom od strane lokalnih politika na području bivše Jugoslavije s ciljem osiguranja življenja jednog naroda u jednoj državi bili su u suprotnosti s načelom uti possidetis iuris i vladavinom prava na koje se u stvaranju suvremene Europe nakon II. Svjetskog rata ista pozivala. Upravo kroz navedeno načelo međunarodnog prava, Europska ekonomska zajednica, a i kasnije Europske unija, kao i svi ostali dionici međunarodne zajednice uključeni u sprječavanju sukoba i postizanje mira na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije svojim pravnopolitičkim mehanizmima navedeno načelo koje predstavljalo razloge/polazište svih oružanih sukoba na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije nisu znale i mogle zaštiti. Činjenica djelovanja međunarodne zajednice, prvenstveno Europske ekonomske zajednice/Europske unije u skladu s izvorima europskog i međunarodnog javnog prava, te koristeći pravnopolitičke mehanizme koji su upravo proizlazili iz navedenih izvora, a bez mogućnosti fizičke, stvarne primjene istih prema onima na koje se odnosilo, kao i neaktivnost u angažiranju od početaka sukoba od strane Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, stvarali su subjektivni dojam da ne postoji politička volja oko temeljnih pitanja ključnih za sprječavanje sukoba i postizanje mira, kao ni volja zaštite međunarodnog prava na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije. Upravo željom za globalnom dominacijom u novom svjetskom poretku, kao i činjenica dokazivanja Europi da ne može samostalno upravljati i rješavati krize na svom području, Sjedinjene Američke Države preuzele su aktivnu ulogu u rješavanju krize koristeći pravnopolitičke mehanizme u skladu s odredbama međunarodnog javnog prava, čime su spriječile daljnje sukobe/ratove i postigle mir. Političkom reaktivacijom u odnosu na prostor bivše Jugoslavije, Sjedinjene Američke Države jasno su dokazale svoju političku dominaciju u rješavanju i "upravljanju krizom" na tlu Europe, a ujedno su očuvale svoj i kredibilitet NATO-a i same Europske unije. ; The topic of this dissertation is the analysis of acting through legal and political mechanisms of an international community, namely the actions the European Economic Community (later known as the European Union) had undertaken to prevent conflicts and achieve peace on the territory of the former Yugoslavia from 1990 and the first signs of a crisis up to the end of the armed conflicts/wars in 1995 and the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement. Just when the first signs of the crisis and the first armed conflicts began to appear in the former Yugoslavia, the European Economic Community created the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Also, the Yugoslav crisis took place in parallel with the creation of a new united Europe that faced the challenge of proving to be a regional and global force in the creation of the world policy, as well as proving its ability to independently resolve possible conflicts within its territory without interference from the policy of the United States. The Yugoslav crisis, later manifested in armed conflicts and wars, was a test of the institutional system of the former and future united Europe, a guideline for the institutional development of the European Economic Community, and an indicator of the inability to implement the adopted policies/decisions that would resolve the crisis and prevent conflicts. Armed conflicts/wars and the crisis in the former Yugoslavia were eventually contrary to the spirit of the future united Europe after the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the inability to find a solution to end the crisis and armed conflicts, as well as to achieve peace, raised the issue of sustainability of such a community. Redrawing the borders perforce by the local policies in the former Yugoslavia with the aim to ensure the settlement of one nation in one state was contrary to the principle of uti possidetis iuris and the rule of law relied upon by the modern Europe after World War II. The European Economic Community, and later the European Union, as well as all the other members of the international community engaged in conflict prevention and achieving peace in the former Yugoslavia, did not know how to use their legal and political mechanisms to protect the aforesaid principle which represented the reasons/starting point for all the armed conflicts in the former Yugoslavia. The action of the international community, primarily the European Economic Community/European Union in line with the sources of European and international public law, using the legal and political mechanisms stemming from the aforesaid sources, without the possibility of their actual implementation, as well as the USA's decision not to engage in the conflict from the beginning, created a subjective impression that there is no political will to tackle issues crucial for conflict prevention, achieving peace, and protecting international law in the former Yugoslavia. It was the desire for global domination in the new world order and the desire to show Europe the independence in managing and addressing the crises in its territory that enabled the USA to take an active role in addressing the crisis by using legal and political mechanisms in line with international public law provisions, which prevented further conflicts/wars and ensured peace. Political reactivation in the former Yugoslavia enabled the USA to clearly demonstrate its political domination in "crisis management" in Europe, whilst preserving its own credibility as well as the credibility of NATO and the European Union.

The author explores the operational capability of the European defense policy in the last 3 years. From the creation & adoption of the European Security Strategy, the European Union has made several specific steps in the development of the European Security & Defence Policy. Despite the disagreements with the United States about Iraq & the internal divisions in the "New & Old Europe" EU has shown the ability to set new military & civilian goals, make a small, but effective battle group concept for crisis management & conflict prevention as well as the European Defense Agency. The author also describes the main operations & missions of EU in the world, ranging from the Balkans & Africa to the Middle East & Eastern Asia. Finally, the paper analyses the Constitution for Europe & the articles concerning ESDP. References. Adapted from the source document.

U političkome trenutku kada se Europska unija percipira kao specifična politička organizacija kompleksnoga multirazinskog sustava vlasti koji prevladava nacionalne i manjinske probleme, pojavile su se tendencije unutarnjega identitetskog i političkog komešanja kod pojedinih država članica. Španjolska predstavlja izuzetan primjer recentne političke nestabilnosti proizvedene uslijed najava referendumskih izjašnjavanja građana Katalonije o potencijalnoj neovisnosti. Ekonomska kriza koja je pogodila Španjolsku zasigurno je katalizator spomenutih tendencija, ali nipošto jedini ili odlučujući faktor u političkome zahtjevu za neovisnošću ili barem povećanom autonomijom unutar Španjolske. Potonja ima dugu povijest sukobljavanja centralističkih i regionalno-federalističkih tradicija, a njezina identitetska kompleksnost nipošto ne odgovara centralističkomu sustavu vlasti i političke teritorijalizacije. Stoga su izazovnost tematike španjolskoga regionalnog modela, njegova problematika i zahtjevi za revidiranjem suviše važna tematika koja zahtijeva pažljivo proučavanje mnoštva aspekata koje ovaj model podrazumijeva. Ovaj rad nema namjeru sveobuhvatne analize španjolskoga regionalnog ustrojstva, već kratak presjek najznačajnijih elemenata koji su reaktualizirani u novijim događajima te njihovo smještanje u odgovarajuće teorijske modele radi lakšega razumijevanja i interpretacije. ; In today's political situation when the European Union is percevied as a specific political organization with a complex multilevel system of authority which overcomes national and minority problems, certain identity and political restlesness started to emerge in some member states. Spain is an excellent example of recent political instability created due to the announcement of the citizens referendum on potential self-determination in Catalonia. Economic crisis which has affected Spain is definitely a catalyst of the mentioned tendencies, but by no means the only and decisive factor in the political claims for independence or at least greater autonomy within Spain. The latter has a long history of conflict between centralist and regional-federal traditions, and the complexity of its identity in no way corresponds to the centralized system of government and political territorialization. Therefore, the challenging themes of Spanish regional model, its problems and requirements for its revisionism are extremely important issues which require careful study from multiple aspects that such model implies. This paper is not a comprehensive analysis of Spanish regional organization, but a brief overview of its most significant elements reaffirmed in the most recent events as well as their positioning within appropriate theorethical models for easier understanding and interpretation.

RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVAPrijedlog zakona o šumama prošao je prvo čitanje u Saboru Republike Hrvatske. Njegova priprema trajala je skoro dvije godine. U povjerenstvu za izradu sudjelovali su predstavnici svih relevantnih sektorskih institucija, a prijedlog zakona prošao je i e-savjetovanje, nakon kojega je dio primjedbi usvojen. Na saborskom Odboru za poljoprivredu bilo je dosta rasprave o iznosu naknade za općekorisne funkcije šuma, čija bi se stopa trebala zadržati na postojećoj razini od 0,0265 %, ali s oslobađanjem plaćanja naknade svim pravnim i fizičkim osobama koje ostvaruju godišnji prihod do tri milijuna kuna. Vezano za raspodjelu sredstava iz naknade OKFŠ-a buru među šumarskim znanstvenicima i stručnjacima izazvao je prijedlog pravilnika sa smanjenjem financiranja znanstveno-istraživačkih radova sa sadašnjih 5 % na samo 1 %, što bi u praksi značilo da se samo oko milijun i pol kuna raspodjeljuje za šumarsku znanost. Svjesni svih ugroza koje trenutno vladaju u hrvatskim šumama, ovakav prijedlog je stvarno nerazuman i podcjenjivački. Valja se nadati da će kritički komentari i prijedlozi uroditi plodom te da će se znanstveno-istraživačkim radovima propisati traženih 10 % od ukupnih sredstava iz fonda OKFŠ-a. Novi pak Pravilnik o nedrvnim šumskim proizvodima unosi nepotrebno i golemo administriranje zbog izdavanja dozvola za besplatno sakupljanje šumskih plodova za vlastite potrebe, bez mogućnosti kvalitetne kontrole ulaska u šumu na temelju kojega mogu nastupiti i značajne štete za dio šumskog ekosustava, a povećana je i opasnost od šumskih požara.Nedavno najavljeno osnivanje sedamnaeste podružnice Hrvatskih šuma u Slatini, za područje Virovitičko-podravske županije, možda je prošlo nekako nezapaženo i ne previše glasno komentirano u šumarskoj javnosti. Međutim, sama realizacija te ideje otvorila bi Pandorinu kutiju iz koje ne znamo što bi sve izašlo, a po mitologiji iz te kutije je izašlo zlo. Raspodjela državnih šuma i šumskih zemljišta u Republici Hrvatskoj ne prati političke granice županija i općina. To je davno napušteno. Trgovačko društvo Hrvatske šume d.o.o. u stopostotnom je vlasništvu Republike Hrvatske i brine se o gospodarenju državnim šumama, ne gledajući na lokalne granice, jer je interes šume u prvom planu. Naravno da lokalno stanovništvo treba imati koristi od resursa kojima raspolaže, ali to se rješava kroz zapošljavanje u Hrvatskim šumama d.o.o., prodaju ogrjeva, sakupljanje nedrvnih proizvoda i slično. Najavljena korist za Virovitičko-podravsku županiju osnivanjem nove podružnice kosi se s današnjim ustrojem i upravljanjem Hrvatskim šumama. Nijedna županija ne radi razvojne planove za Hrvatske šume d.o.o., no suradnja s jedinicama lokalne uprave posvuda postoji, jer su šumari oduvijek bili dio zajednice u kojoj su djelovali. Ne samo da je najava upravljanja eventualnom novom podružnicom iz županije nemoguća, nego bi se time otvorila mogućnost prekrajanja granica i ostalih podružnica po županijskim granicama. Neke podružnice mogle bi biti ukinute, a neke bi se proširile izvan povijesnih i tradicijskih granica. Svaki ustroj ima svojih nedostataka i ne može se reći da je sadašnji idealan, ali sa svakom najavom promjena, posebice ako nisu cjelovite nego parcijalne, provedbom istih dolazi do sukoba u kojima glavnu ulogu ne igraju racionalni gospodarski razlozi, nego trenutna politička moć. Trenutno postoji 21 županija s gradom Zagrebom, ali već godinama se vode rasprave treba li smanjiti broj tih administrativnih jedinica. Za koju godinu će možda postojati samo nekoliko regija. Da li bi onda ponovno trebalo prekrajati granice podružnica unutar Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o.? Današnje poslovanje trgovačkog društva u državnom vlasništvu, iako ima monopolistički položaj, nikako ne određuje tržišno poslovanje, nego državom uvjetovana raspodjela sirovine po dugo vremena najnižim cijenama u regiji, ali i u čitavoj Europskoj uniji. Najveću cijenu "darivanja" državnog resursa plaća šuma kojoj se ne vraća ono osnovno kroz dostatne šumsko-gospodarske zahvate, a kamoli da joj se poboljšava stanje sanacijom uslijed elementarnih nepogoda, promjene klime, pojave novih štetnika i drugih ugroza. U takvoj situaciji razmišljati o stvaranju nove podružnice zbog zadovoljavanja lokalnih apetita nikako nije mudro ni racionalno. Uredništvo ; EDITORIALThe forest law proposal has gone through the first reading in the Sabor of the Republic of Croatia. It has been prepared for almost two years. The conflict of interest committee was participated by the representatives of all relevant sector institutions; the Law proposal also underwent an e-consultation after which a part of the comments were accepted. At the Board of Agriculture there was considerable discussion on the amount of reimbursement for the nonprofit forest functions, the rate of which should be retained at the present level of 0.0265%, though with the exemption from payment granted to all legal and physical persons with a yearly income up to three million Kunas. In connection with the distribution of the means from the OKFŠ (nonprofit forest functions) fund, the proposed regulations that would reduce the finances for the scientific research from the present 5% to only 1% have caused a turmoil among the scientists; this would practically mean that only about 1.5 million Kunas would be alloted to forestry science. Considering the many current threatening issues related to the Croatian forests, a proposal of this kind is irrational and degrading. We hope that the critical comments and suggestions will supports the efforts toward achieving the required 10% of the OKFŠ fund for scientific research. On the other hand, the new Regulations on the non-wood forest products are causing the unnecessary huge administration due to the issuing licences for free uncontrolled collection of forest fruits for personal use, which could lead to considerable damage to one part of the ecosystem; besides, this would increase the already high danger of forest fires. The recently announced foundation of the 17th branch office of the Croatian Forests in Slatina for the region of the Virovitica/Podravina county has been almost unnoticed and only marginally commented in the forestry environment. However, the realisation of the idea would open the Pandora's box, out of which who knows what would emerge; the myth says, all the evels of the world. The distribution of state forests and forest areas in the Republic of Croatia does not coincide with the political borders of the counties and municipal areas, as it used to be for a long time. The trading company Croatian Forests Ltd. is entirely owned by the Republic of Croatia, so that the state takes care of the management of its forests without considering the local border lines. The care for the forest comes first. The local population should benefit from the forest resources, which is achieved through employment in Croatian Forests Ltd., sale of fuelwood, collecting the non-wood products, etc. The announced benefit for the Virovitica/Podravina county through the foundation of the new branch is in conflict with the present constitution and management of the Croatian Forests. No county makes development plans in the name of the Croatian Forests Ltd.; however, there is a collaboration among the units of the local management because foresters have always been a part of the community in which they have been active. Not only that the announcement of the management of a new branch office in a county is unacceptable, but it would also open a possibility of changing the borders of other branch offices, some of which could then be cancelled, others would cross outside of the historical traditional borders. With all the disadvantages of the present constellation, we cannot claim that the present one is ideal; with every proposed change, particularly such that is not global but particular, its implementation usually results in conflicts, not caused by rational economic reasons, but by current political power. There are now twenty-one counties, including the City of Zagreb. Disputes have been going on for years on whether the number of these administrative units should be reduced. In a few years, there may be only several regions. Should the borders of the branch offices be then again changed within the borderlines of the Croatian Forests Ltd? Though monopolistic, the present business management of the trading company owned by the state is not defined by the market but by the distribution of raw materials at the lowest prices in the region and all European Union over a long time. The highest price of "giving away" the state resources has been paid by the forest without reimbursing it with what is fundamental - satisfactory forest management operations, not to speak of improvements by recovery after damages, climate change, new pests and other threats. At this time the opening of new branch offices in order to satisfy local appetites is neither wise nor rational. Editorial Board

This paper presents the Brazilian specificities of the development of its public health and social assistance policies since the re-democratization process in the 1980s until today. Besides, it presents a wide range of conflicts between the economic interests and the political activism accountable for the advances of the public policies implementation. This evolution is presented as a subsidy to the reader's understanding of the development of a clinical solution for non-conventional settings specific to the Brazilian social and economic reality. Successful clinical experiences in health and social assistance based on phenomenology are presented, not only for diagnosis purposes, namely for understanding the people, for the context in the question, as well as the successful management development. The first case describes the provision of a peripatetic group therapy service, prior as a walking clinical practice, where the notion of territoriality and the dynamics of group interaction facilitate the understanding of the patients, while the intrinsic condition of the work also facilitates the establishment of transferential relationships. The second case describes the complexity of social welfare policy challenges through the clinical intervention while presenting a family in a social and economic vulnerability context. ; Rad prikazuje brazilske specifičnosti razvoja politike javnog zdravstva i socijalne pomoći od procesa redemokratizacije 80-ih godina prošlog stoljeća do danas. Osim toga, predstavlja širok raspon sukoba između ekonomskih interesa i političkog aktivizma koji je odgovoran za napredak u provedbi javnih politika. Ova evolucija predstavljena je kao subvencija razumijevanju razvoja kliničkog rješenja za nekonvencionalna okruženja, specifična za brazilsku društvenu i ekonomsku stvarnost. Prikazana su uspješna klinička iskustva u zdravstvenoj i socijalnoj pomoći temeljena na fenomenologiji, ne samo u svrhu dijagnoze, odnosno razumijevanja ljudi, konteksta, kao i uspješnog razvoja menadžmenta. Prvi slučaj opisuje pružanje usluge peripatetičke grupne terapije, prije kao hodajuće kliničke prakse, pri čemu pojam teritorijalnosti i dinamika grupne interakcije olakšavaju razumijevanje pacijenata, dok intrinzično stanje rada također olakšava uspostavljanje transferencijalnih odnosa. Drugi slučaj opisuje složenost izazova politike socijalne skrbi kroz kliničku intervenciju uz predstavljanje obitelji u kontekstu socijalne i ekonomske ranjivosti.

Politički savjetnici obilježje su suvremene državne uprave. Predstavljaju osobe koje temeljem imenovanja prema nedefiniranim kriterijima pružaju savjete ministru ili premijeru u pogledu javnih politika, političkih aspekata i koordinacije ili odnosa s javnošću. Dolaze i odlaze s ministrom, a njihov je status u pravilu nejednako reguliran u pojedinim državama, ako je uopće i reguliran. Javljaju se zbog promjena u upravljanju, potrebe za jačanjem koordinacije, vodstva i strategije kao i odgovora na intenziviranje komunikacija. Dovode do promjena u odnosu između politike i uprave u državnoj upravi, a osnovne zamjerke i nepovjerenje javnosti proizlaze iz netransparentnosti, izostanka regulacije i nedostatka odgovornosti. U radu se razmatraju razlozi zbog kojih politički savjetnici postaju neizostavan dio ministarskih kabineta, analiziraju se pojam, vrste i funkcije političkih savjetnika te opisuju posljedice i ključni elementi koncepta. Naglašava se važnost uređenja statusa političkih savjetnika i transparentnosti radi osiguravanja ostvarivanja javnog interesa i povjerenja javnosti u institucije. ; These days political advisors are indispensable to state administration. They are appointed to their positions to advise ministers and the prime minister on public policy, various political aspects and coordination, or on public relations and aspects of communication. Their appointments depend on the minister's term of office. Political advisors are not part of the civil service and different states take different approaches, if any at all, to regulating their status. The need for political advisors arises in conjunction with changes in management, the need to strengthen coordination, leadership and strategy, as well as the need to address a growing intensity of communication. Political advisors constitute a new factor in the dynamic between politicians and civil servants, and they bring about changes in the relationship between politics and administration. They generate a mistrust among the general public, due to a lack of transparency and accountability, as well as the fact that, as a rule, their position is governed by specific regulations, if any at all. Conflict of interest, in particular, is a cause for concern. The paper examines the reasons why political advisors may become key members of ministerial cabinets, analyses the concept of the political advisor and their various types and functions, and describes the consequences and key elements of the concept. Trends in some countries are also included.

U članku se analizira situacija u tvornici obuće u Borovu u vrijeme demokratskih promjena 1990. Tvornica se krajem osamdesetih godina nalazi u ozbiljnoj krizi, ponajviše zbog strukturnih problema. Osim toga, učestali su štrajkovi i sukobi različitih nivoa vlasti oko nadzora nad tvornicom. Prvi višestranački izbori donose potpuno nove političke okolnosti u okruženju tvornice, dok u samoj tvornici neko vrijeme opstaju upravljačke strukture iz starog sustava. Na primjeru tzv. lipanjskog štrajka radnika 1990. u članku se pokušava prikazati koliko je socijalistička praksa i dalje bila aktualna, odnosno kako se radnicima umjesto suočavanja s problemima pokušava ponuditi novi kolektivistički okvir iluzije. U isto vrijeme prikazuje se kako je teška situacija radnika u kombinatu Borovo bila plodno tlo za širenje nacionalističkih teza. Na navedenim primjerima pokušava se analizirati teza o koaliciji socijalističke elite i radništva kroz kupovinu socijalnog mira, zatim teza o nacionalizmu kao novom "kolektivnom plaštu" koji je zamijenio socijalizam te, konačno, pokušava se propitati koliko su demokratske promjene u slučaju Borova bile zaista proces demokratizacije, a koliko nastojanja novih aktera da zauzmu mjesto u društvu koje je do tada imao Savez komunista. ; The article analyzes the situation in the footwear factory Borovo in the times of democratic changes in 1990. At the end of the 1980s the factory found itself in a serious crisis, mostly due to structural problems. Furthermore, strikes and conflicts of different levels of authority for custody over the factory were very frequent. First multiparty elections brought completely new political circumstances in the factory environment. However, in the factory there was still the same management as in the old system. In the article we examine, based on the example of the so-called June-strike of workers in 1990, to what extent the same socialist practice was still actual, that is, how the workers were offered a new framework of collective illusion, instead of making them face real problems. At the same time, the hard position of workers in Borovo was a "fertile ground" for nationalistic ideas. Based on the mentioned examples, we analyze the thesis about coalitio n of socialist elites and the working class by means of buying social peace. Furthermore, we analyze the thesis about nationalism as a new "collective mantle" which substitutes socialism. Finally, we examine to what extent democratic changes were truly a process of democratization rather than efforts of new actors to take over the position in society that was held by the Communist Party in the previous period.